Guide Das gefallene Imperium 1: Die letzte Bastion (German Edition)

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Farblich expressive Stadtperspektiven u. Jahrhunderts bis zu den Techniken der heutigen Zeit bis auf weiteres. Antastha Yoga Workshop mit Sanjeev Bhanot am Vernissage am So Ein Dorf in der Uckermark. Im Haus der Heimat wird eingebrochen. Sie arbeiten gerne im Dialog mit anderen und freuen sich darauf, die Themen der Kinder und Ihre eigenen Ideen zu verwirklichen. Dann freuen wir uns, Sie kennen zu lernen.

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Okay, bei der Logik knabbert es ein bisschen, aber die Haltung stimmt. So muss man Klassikern ans Bein sabbern. War das jetzt ein Spoiler? Das Leben ist kein Leckerli.

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Jonny Rieder Arthur Conan Doyle: So etwas sollten sich die Mutigen unter den Literaturfreunden nicht entgehen lassen. Geboten wird Deutscher Meister am Mikro: Es lohnt sich, vorher ein an- ist: Packende Gesichte, von zwei Seiten aus literarisch beleuchtet: Johannes Zirner liest daraus. Literaturhaus, des Isonzo, Ernest Hemingway auf der anderen Seite. Jedenfalls verbreitet die chen sowie dem heimischen Jungstar Gestapo genau diese Version. Anna Funder pere, Rufen Sie bis Freitag, Und dann die Anlage selbst: Zum einen das Torhaus. Zum anderen versteckt sich, etwa Meter vom Schloss entfernt, ein komfortables Baumhaus ja, richtig gelesen!

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Mit Otto Walkes u. Tamme Hanken 2 Oskar Nedbal, Kulturwoche u. Universitaire Pers Leiden, Their strong emphasis on the necessity of examining the local context will be crucial for two reasons: The edited volume Guardians of Empire: The Armed Forces of the Colonial Powers c attempts to incorporate new understandings of culture in the exploration of conquest and the articulation of power. Considerable theoretical work has been done about state formation and the systematization of violence in East Africa. More specific to the conditions in East Africa, Juhani Koponen s monumental work, Development for Exploitation, offers a similarly detailed exploration of the highly contradictory nature of German state and military policy, which on the one hand imposed one of the most brutal regimes on East Africans that existed anywhere, but at the same time built one of the best school and public health networks in the entire region.

The crucial insight offered by Berman and Lonsdale is their focus on the state s highly contradictory position in colonial societies and economies. Its two primary overriding goals facilitating accumulation and guaranteeing social and political stability often countermanded one another. The conditions necessary to ensure a steady flow of labor undermined the institutions of control such as direct rule, while maintaining political stability required that the state not act, or at least not appear to act, as a mere proxy of European economic interests.

The Birth and Collision of Two Empires 69 The entire colonial story is just a swindle, but we need it for the elections. That leads us very far. The English sphere of interest extends to the source of the Nile, and the risk to me is too great. Their map of Africa is indeed very beautiful, but my map of Africa lies here in Europe. Here lies Russia and here lies France and we are in the middle; that is my map of Africa.


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The imperial government in Berlin felt compelled to take over the colony from the incompetent and under-funded German East Africa Company in after a massive rebellion on the coast erupted which attempted to eject both the company and the region s nominal overlords, the functionaries of the Sultan of Zanzibar. All translations mine unless otherwise specified. German authorities hoped they would merely have to tap the caravan routes from the coast to the interior, particularly the central route leading to Lake Tanganyika, in order to turn the jewel of their African empire into a profitable colony.

Events would soon prove such expectations illusory the route to the interior was dangerous and unreliable due to raiding by the most powerful polity in the southern highlands, through which the route passed. That polity, Uhehe, was seen as the only major obstacle to the profitable trade with the interior. German forces were dispatched in summer under Commander Emil von Zelewski with orders to reduce the Hehe and other rebellions tribes to submission and secure peace in the region.

The column, in fact, engaged in a rampage of destruction as it meandered westward, and word of the column s depredations quickly reached the Hehe. The destruction of Zelewski s column at Rugaro 75 in Tanganyika s southern highlands was colonial Germany s Battle of Little Big Horn, their Isandhlwana, and it sparked off a major war between the Hehe under Chief Mkwawa and the German authorities based in Dar es Salaam.

A large punitive expedition destroyed Mkwawa s fortress at Iringa in , but far from being defeated, the Hehe waged a sustained guerrilla war for a further four years. German victory in came only after a protracted campaign of verbrannte Erde scorched earth and a brutal hunt for Chief Mkwawa, which culminated in the removal of his head to be sent back to Germany. Lula was the actual spot where the engagement took place, Rugaro was the nearest village, and Lugalo is the modern name of the same village.

I am using Rugaro for consistency. See Jonathan Glassman, Feasts and Riot: The defeat of the Hehe must be seen as a fundamental turning point, both for the history of the Hehe and the southern highlands and for the history of German power in East Africa. As such, reanalyzing the German-Hehe struggle allows us to acquire a new understanding of several important and difficult questions about the experience of German colonization in East Africa, and indeed regarding the European imperial project more generally.

How is it that the Germans were able to defeat a polity that had proved practically invincible in conflicts with its neighbors? How were a handful of inexperienced, vastly outnumbered German conquistadors able to instantiate imperial power in a territory over twice the size of imperial Germany and nearly as large as Western Europe? What does the conflict with the AvaDaliki Germans in Kihehe tell us about the nature of power in southeastern Africa, particularly among the so-called Mfecane-states created by the cascading violence and instability unleashed by Shaka s African military revolution?

To what extent was the extreme violence that characterized the German conquest and incorporation of Tanganyika something intrinsic to German culture as is often asserted or the German colonial project in Africa? Finally, what light does the German-Hehe war shed on the process of colonization, and what does it tell us about the near 78 Nigmann, Die Wahehe, This chapter will focus on one of the primary sources of that violence the collision between two ambitious, emergent policies in East Africa, Deutsch Ostafrika and the Hehe Empire.

He was the target of constant and everstrengthening pressure, however, to stake or defend German claims in the Dark Continent, particularly from merchants like Hansing and O Swald and the House of Woerrmann based out of Hamburg. O Swald enjoyed a 79 Image of an Askari, or colonial mercenary soldier, bearing the imperial German flag. Liberal imperialists like Max Weber and Friedrich Naumann felt that England s colonial empire and the India Raj in particular had made Britain a great and civilized nation, an experience that should be emulated by the new Germany for the same reasons.

The most famous and influential of these pundits, however, was Friedrich Fabri, who s Bedarf Deutschland der Kolonien? Macmillan, , Townsend s study remains the classic work on the German colonial empire from a metropolitan perspective and offers extremely detailed discussion of the motives of Bismarck in turning to colonization. Clarendon Press, , introduction. It cannot send out warships to conquer territories overseas, that is, it will not take the initiative; but it will protect the German merchant even in the land that he acquires.

Germany will do what England has always done, establish Chartered Companies, so that the responsibility always rests with them. Events from onwards, however, would serve to change the situation dramatically and would convince Bismarck to turn toward direct annexation and imperial administration. Internally, Bismarck s alliance with the Liberals broke apart, and in he shifted the focus of his Sammlungspolitik the policy of gathering together large, if unwieldy, coalitions of parties and interest groups away from the National Liberal Party and towards an alliance of the conservatives and the Catholics who 82 Townsend, Jon Bridgman, The Revolt of the Hereros Berkeley: Events on the ground in East Africa also profoundly changed the colonial equation, and some argue that the political efforts of self-styled conquistadores like Carl Peters, both on the ground in Africa and back in the metropole as nationalist agitators, were the most decisive reason for the conversion of Bismarck and other reluctant imperialists towards a German colonial Empire.

In and Carl Peters claimed vast stretches of East Africa for Germany on his own initiative Bismarck, when asked for state support for the expedition, had asked Peters not to go at all. He and his self-financed band of explorers travelled along the caravan routes leading inland from Zanzibar and signed a series of protection treaties with local African leaders. Quoted in Kirsten Zirkel, Military power in German colonial policy: David Killingray and David Omissi Manchester: Manchester University Press, ,. The Sultan shall have peace, but eternal peace.

I shall show the Vagogo [sic. Plunder the villages, throw fire into the houses, and smash anything that will not burn. East Africa, in theory under DOAG administration, would now be added to German Southwest Africa which the chancellor had claimed during the Berlin Conference of winter to resolve how partition should proceed and what should be done with regards to Leopold s growing claims in the Congo Basin. But Bismarck and his government s hopes that the DOAG would be an effective and inexpensive method of colonizing East Africa were dashed almost immediately.

The company struggled from to to even break even and was nearly bankrupt by the eve of the so-called Arab Revolt. It had precious few personnel at its disposal no more than a few dozen and those employees it did have were hardly shining examples of the benefits that German Kultur had to offer. This rebellion, which broke out all along the German coast in , was ignited in part by the arrogant behavior of the same Emil von Zelewski who was to be martyred in A contingent Germans arrived at the coast during the important Muslim religious holiday, Idd al-hajj, and at one point burst into a mosque during prayers wearing boots and accompanied by Zelewski s hunting dogs.

Zelewski then proceeded to pull down the flag of the Sultan of Zanzibar in whose name the company was nominally administrating the land along the coast and replace it with the flag of the German Reich. Behavior of this sort, which was frequent, caused an uproar on the coast and did much to ignite an already volatile political By nearly every community in coastal East Africa was in full rebellion against company authority. It was this rebellion that forced Bismarck to accede to annexation, as he felt compelled to dispatch a military contingent under the aforementioned explorer Herrmann Wissmann to pacify the coast and to bring it under direct imperial administration.

There, he hired several hundred Sudanese, who were languishing in the capital of British Egypt after their expulsion from Sudan by the socalled fuzzy wuzzies of the Mahdi. Heinemann, , 5. Glassman s book provides an excellent treatment of the Buschiri Revolt. Warne, , introduction and chapter one. Even today African informants can recall stories that have been told for over a century about the brutality of the German re conquest of the Tanzanian coast during what they refer to as the Buschiri Revolt.

In Bagamoyo in , I was shown the chinja chinja tree meaning the slaughtering tree from which Wissmann s troops supposedly hung captured rebels. Whether this tree actually served this purpose is beside the point: Officers like Tom von Prince, Emil von Zelewski, and Wissmann himself underwent their trial by fire in the Arab Revolt, and their overwhelming success bought at the expense of an untold number of lives and staggering destruction of African property convinced them that the pacification of the rest of the interior would go quickly and relatively easily now that an actual military force was available.

The Arabs had been, after all, the most sophisticated and dangerous element opposing German designs on East Africa or so they thought. The Wissmann-Truppe was made the official military of the new protectorate Schutzgebiet of German East Africa, and its numbers were increased to just over 1, While sufficient to control the recently devastated East African coast, this was a miniscule number to pacify a region of over one million square kilometers.

This number would slowly grow such that on the eve of the First World War the Schutztruppe numbered approximately 15, Askari and 3, German personnel, but even this was hardly up to the task of comprehensively patrolling and securing a territory See Norman Robert Bennet, Arab versus European: Africana Publishing Company, Erinnerungen eines alten Afrikaners Halle and der Saale: Indeed, one could argue that the entire undertaking, like countless other colonial vetures, bordered on the absurd. It was precisely this sweeping mandate pacification of the colony combined with scant men and resources that made extreme violence all that more likely, as the Arab Revolt along the coast had made brutally clear.

It was during their push inwards along the central caravan route, however, and not on the coast, that the Germans faced the greatest challenge to the pacification of East Africa, a fact that Schutztruppe officers would realize too late to prevent the worst disaster they ever suffered during their subjugation of Tanganyika. There, several hundred miles from the coast in the southern-central part of the colony, the imperial juggernaut collided with another aggressive, emerging polity: African Politics in the Southern Highlands The German colonizers and the historians who have chronicled their efforts often all too often have assumed that Africa was a blank slate, a place of primordial savagery upon which civilized Europeans could inscribe their will.

Indeed, it was generally thought that Africans had little political or social organization at all. The African societies encountered by the Germans in Tanganyika were indeed highly decentralized, operated locally and on a small-scale, and seldom even had institutions that could be described as a professional military.


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Many were, in fact acephalous or polycephalous The other region that went against this norm was the southern highlands, where several emerging polities were locked in a harsh struggle for supremacy over one another and over the smaller societies that surrounded them. These included the Mbunga, the Bena, the Sangu, the Ngoni, and the Hehe, who ultimately achieved a near total if ultimately temporary hegemony over the southern highlands. While it would be inaccurate to depict the Hehe-Empire as a centralized state directly equivalent to states in Asia or Europe, it was organized on a scale that far surpassed anything the Germans had encountered on the coast, and indeed anything that had existed in East Africa before the mid-nineteenth century Elizabeth Colson, David Newbury, Felicitas Becker and others argue that polycephalos societies are in fact more complex than European nation-states in their structure and composition.

While many authors recognize the importance of the Sangu and Hehe polities, few acknowledge the existence of the Mbunga Confederacy, despite the fact that until their defeat by the Germans in , they controlled both caravan routes north of Uhehe. Mann, Mikono ya damu: Peter Lang, ,. The exact causes and consequences of the Mfecane remain hotly contested in the literature on southern Africa, but it is agreed that the innovations introduced by Dingiswayo of the Mthethwa peoples and Zwide of the Ndwandwe near the Tugela River in modern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa created the basis for a dramatic and sanguinary project of conquest and state formation under Shaka and the people that would become the Zulu.

Omer-Copper, Has the Mfecane a Future? Some have called this narrative into dispute as being a dubious argument created by the intellectuals of Apartheid, who claimed that the area into which the Boer settlers moved was empty or deserted, thereby legitimating the claims of South African whites to those lands.

Refugee groups of the Mfecane in turn formed their own powerful states in the s and s based on the Zulu model, both in terms of standing, age-regiment driven armies and centralized monarchical organization, in modern Zimbabwe Mzilikazi s Ndebele , Malawi Sebitwane s Makololo , Swaziland Sobhuza s Swazi , Mozambique Shoshangane s Gaza , and most importantly for the Hehe Zwangendaba s Ngoni in Tanzania. Even those polities which consciously sought to distinguish and defend themselves from the Zulu, such as Moshoeshoe s Basuto which formed the core of modern Lesotho , could only do so by creating new forms of allegiance, acquiring This argument has been put forward most strongly by Julian Cobbing of Rhodes University which gave rise to a debate known as the Cobbing Controversy.

Fred Ellenberger, History of the Basuto: The picture of Thaba Bosiu, which was as imposing as it was impregnable it had a spring in the middle that provided the Basuto with a continual supply of fresh water , was taken by the author in December of. Originally having fled the Zulu advance in the early s, Zwangendaba and his forces centered around the Jere clan proved as formidable and destructive as Shaka s Zulu.

They crossed into what is now southwestern Tanzania in the s, eventually establishing themselves in the region around the modern city of Songea. Like the Zulu of southern Africa, the warfare waged by the Ngoni represented an African form of total war that far surpassed its predecessors in terms of ruthlessness and devastation. Like the beginnings of the Mfecane, the extent of this devastation in Tanzania is debated by scholars, as it served as one of the primary justifications for European missionary and imperial intervention in the s Map from Benedictine Publications, , and and D.

Phiri, From Nguni to Ngoni: History and Structures Helsinki: The Finish Society for Development Studies, , Jamie Monson s dissertation argues for an Ngoni myth crafted and perpetuated by colonial historians. While her point is well taken that Tanzanian societies were perfectly capable of complex political organization prior to the arrival of the Ngoni, I concur with Redmayne, Iliffe, and other scholars that the Ngoni invasion provided a strong impetus to political centralization in the southern highlands.

Ergebnisse einer ethnologischen Forschungsreise Leipzig: Ngoni males were almost exclusively employed as warriors, agricultural work being done by women and the thousands of dependents captured and incorporated as a result of Ngoni conquests. The first emerging state subjected to Ngoni attacks was the Sangu people near modern Mbeya, who were initially almost helpless to stop Ngoni raiding despite the purchase and use of firearms from the socalled Arabs often they were Swahili-speaking, Muslimized Africans moving along the caravan routes from the coast to the Great Lakes.

The Sangu under Merere I, however, adopted the Zulu system in turn, and soon were strong enough not only to hold off the Ngoni but also wage war upon the hapless Bena and Hehe who bordered them to the north and east. By the s, however, the Hehe under the able Chief Munyigumba founder of the Muyinga dynasty turned the tables once again, mastering Ngoni and Sangu modes of warfare and soon defeating every polity in the region one after the other.

It was from this clan that the future leaders of the Hehe came. Munyigumba political leader from to expanded their territory by several provinces through the strength of arms, and his empire would eventually become the northern-most and one of Redmayne, and Nigmann, Die Wahehe,. This violent history parallels the overall chaos and bloodshed that afflicted East Africa in the mid-nineteenth century.

Based on oral evidence collected among the Bena of the Njombe region, James Giblin has even argued that the period prior to German intervention, the era of Big Man state formation and political consolidation, was so tumultuous that less successful peoples like the Bena remember the entire period of to as one of continual if intermittent violence, a sort of time of troubles in which one invader after the other the coastal Arabs, Ngoni, Sangu, Hehe, the Germans, the British inflicted successive waves of dislocation and suffering on the population.

The Hehe thus formed out of a mixture of all the peoples subjugated by the royal family in the course of 40 to 50 years, and were therefore a created ethnicity like the Zulu of southern Africa or the Seminoles of Florida. The mighty Zulu and the peoples that surrounded them were a product of the Mfecane, which scattered some peoples and incorporated others under the auspisces of a state-imposed official identity Shaka went as far as to prohibit the use of older languages and the telling of pre-conquest stories in order to foster a new Zulu identity among the diverse array of peoples subjugated by his armies.

Erinnerungen an mein Missionsleben in Deutsch- Osafrika St. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism London: Verso, and Anthony W. Marx, Faith in Nation: Exclusionary Origins of Nationalism Oxford: University of California Press, and E. Their very name is the result of this process: Tomb of Munyigumba the Founder Many of the Sangus erstwhile vassals, most of the Bena people, and countless small polities like the Gogo, the Sagara, and the Kinga fell under Hehe control. The Germans themselves were well aware of this African military revolution, and they conceptualized it in terms of an evolutionary scale, the state of a people s weaponry being an open indication of their level of advancement.

Ernst Nigmann s quasi-ethnological work on the Hehe and Photo taken by author of Munyigumba s tomb at Lungemba, 62 km southeast of Iringa Town. It was constructed and maintained not by the government, but by Mkwawa s descendents in Dar es Salaam. The Hehe polity s ability to wage war was such that it won both the admiration and the loathing of German observers.

Band, and 3. Geburtstag von Peter Sebald, eds. Peter Heine and Ulrich van der Heyden Pfaffenweiler: The New Press, He also ordered the crafting of the original stabbing spear iklwa in isizulu, which is an onomatopoeia referring to the sound the spear makes when it is removed from a victim s torso, generally referred to as assegai by European observers because the original throwing spear was not appropriate for close combat against humans.

The stabbing spear considerably increased the striking power of his units. While the iklwa may not look impressive to those acquainted with modern firearms, their undeniable effect on the British at Isandhlwana or the Germans at Rugaro discussed below tells a very different story. At close range, a Hehe warrior with proper training and a stabbing spear was highly lethal and more than a match for most opponents, including Europeans with pistols and bayonets.

Flanking attacks were also typical among the Hehe, and the stabbing spear known as issala in Kihehe was used in close combat after the initial use of the migoha, or throwing spear unlike the Zulu. Hehe military units were likewise based on the Zulu Model of regiments amabutho , though the constant attrition brought about by warfare in the southern highlands meant that they were not strictly organized by age grades, young replacements being constantly incorporated into existing regiments.

The Hehes core army consisted of 2, to 3, soldiers, usually supplemented by thousands of auxiliaries drawn from the Hehes allies and vassals such as the Bena and the Gogo. Because the Hehe state was wedged between two deadly enemies, the Sangu who were the first people to adopt Ngoni techniques of attack and intimidation and the Ngoni, it had to be prepared to wage warfare nearly continuously, potentially on two fronts simultaneously, forcing the Hehe to develop a logistical system that far surpassed that of their rivals, or even Nigmann, Die Wahehe, and Mann, The Hehe and the Ngoni use of the cattle horns formation, an innovation of Zulu warfare, is an additional piece of evidence for the transmission of Zulu techniques during the Mfecane to the peoples of southern Tanzania.

East African Publishing House, ,. Indeed, Hehe resistance only collapsed when German scorched-earth tactics like burning crops and the mass seizure of livestock ended Chief Mkwawa s ability to wage war. This ability to fight a two-front war was unique in the region and indispensable to the survival of the Hehe polity, as Uhehe lay in the middle of the advance from not only the Ngoni from the south, but also the Maasai from the north.

Indeed, Munyigumba s state was strong enough to simultaneously form the southern boundary of the seemingly inexorable Maasai advance from the great Nyika plain southwards and the northernmost boundary of the Zulu-initiated Mfecane out of South Africa. Overall, the perfection of Mfecane warfare by Munyigumba and his son Mkwawa meant that the invading Germans would not face a pristine, innocent, primitive adversary in the southern highlands; instead, they would be facing an enemy as ruthless and proficient at both killing and collecting supplies as they themselves.

Recently conquered areas were policed by garrisons of soldiers under a royally appointed administrator known as wazagila, and these garrisons were further reinforced with Hehe settlers that were sent to strategic areas. It was this state that was inherited in by the man who would become the Germans arch-nemesis and a Tanzanian national hero, Chief Mkwawa usually rendered as Sultan Quawa in German documents , second son of Munyigumba, born around Today, Mkwawa is widely viewed as a proto-nationalist hero throughout Tanzania and particularly by the Hehe.

The missionary Alfons Adams described the Mkwawa myth among his people thusly: The local army barracks in Dar es Salaam is called Lugalo, and Iringa is full of Mkwawa related sites and monuments which I will be visiting in August. Benedictine Publications Ndanda, One of his praise names was Lukwale-lwa-mwaka, the madness of the year. One song lists Mkwawa s various favorite commands, heard all too often at his court at Kuirenga: Mukasipele give him to the vultures; Mukadumule remove his head; Mukatite suffocate him.

CD in author s possession. The intricate, highly fluid political balance in the southern highlands was further complicated by the role of the so-called Arabs Muslimized, Kiswahili-speaking Africans from the coast, who brought to the interior firearms in return for ivory and the slaves captured in the course of the constant warfare in the area.

For a detailed description of the effects of the coastal trading system on the interior, see Glassman, op. Cambridge University Press, , chapter Weule, Zeichnungen, between 96 and. The region could only be further disrupted by the arrival of the European Wazungu literally those who wander aimlessly in the mid- s. Mkwawa s exceptional intelligence network kept him well informed about the grim events occurring kilometers away on the coast, and he proved far more prescient than his rivals in anticipating the implications of the AvaDaliki German invasion of Swahili city-states and their hinterland.

Indeed, there is some evidence that he even provided limited material support to members of the Arab Revolt of to , which led some German observers to consider the struggle against the Hehe as an extension of the Redmayne, Mkwawa, and The Hehe similarly defeated the well-armed Nyamwezi on multiple occasions.

Pawlikowski-Cholewa, Weule, Zeichnungen, between and. He also asserts that small armed detachments of Hehe assisted the Mafiti more on this below in their resistance against Wissmann s advance from Bagamoyo to Mpwapwa in In he also attempted to conclude a pact of friendship with his erstwhile enemies the Ngoni under Chief Jabruma, an act that was, according to Nigmann, unprecedented for the Hehe, or indeed for any polity in the region. There existed a long, complex history of short-term alliances and counteralliances as the Ngoni, Bena, Sangu, and Hehe each attempted to establish and protect their territorial holdings in the s and s.

Be that as it may, Nigmann accurately pointed out that the monstrously farsighted Mkwawa correctly assessed German intentions immediately, if not for the Hehe specifically, certainly overall. Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, , Wissmann, founder of the Schutztruppe, was sent to Tanganyika in to put down the Arab Revolt, which he did with the utmost thoroughness and brutality.

Thereafter, the Schutztruppe were sometimes referred to as the Wismannische Truppe. Even Prince, who has little positive to say about the madness of the year, credits Mkwawa with an astounding degree of farsightedness regarding German intentions and the implications of colonial rule. Indeed, it would have been surprising had they been able to overcome their differences after decades of sanguinary conflict in the highlands, and at first the Germans simply seemed like the latest in a long series of interlopers in East Africa the Portuguese, Ngoni, Arabs.

It is in fact true that German columns in this period were scarcely distinguishable from Arab caravans traveling inland from the coast they were similarly equipped, used the same system of human porterage, used the same Kiswahili-speaking interpreters, built explicitly Arab-styled defensive structures, and even dressed similarly. As with the earlier arrival of the Omani Arabs on the island of Zanzibar, for some their arrival represented an opening of opportunities as much as a closing of them.

Statements like this one along with similar comments from Governors Schele and Liebert indicate that the German policy of divide et impera was anything but sub-conscious or unintentional. This structure would have been difficult to distinguish from Omani buildings on the coast and in Zanzibar. In contrast to the Ngoni, the Sangu, with whom Mkwawa did not even try to conclude any sort of agreement, were anything buy paralyzed they quickly realized the great possibility of turning the German invasion to their own advantage.

They established alliance relationships using local idioms of affiliation and diplomacy. In these cases it is difficult to discern exactly who was being used by whom. As one German administrator complained after concluding a treaty with another Hehe rival, Henge chief Nalioto: With cunning tactics schlaue Politik he thought to use me, and through me to make the superiority of the whites serve his own purposes. The result was war, a war which both firmly installed the Germans as masters of the south and forever shattered Hehe power, leaving Mkwawa s state in ashes.

The next chapter will focus on the developments that unfolded before the ambush at Rugaro and then examine what lead to such a crushing German defeat after years of military success against other indigenous armies in East Africa. The Road to Rugaro and the Zelewski Catastrophe Dear Prince, [our expedition] will be done with these fellows all alone The fellows haven t even got guns, just shields and spears. Ernst Sigfried Mittler und Sohn, , African authors, who view the conflict from the Hehe perspective, view the Zelewski campaign as a concerted and premeditated attempt to subdue the Hehe Empire.

Michael Musso argues that the Germans felt uneasy about Mkwawa because he ruled such a large empire and was renowned for his proficiency at war. The attacks of the Gogo and Dongwe on the caravan route to Tabora were attributed to the Hehe, and for this reason Zelewski was sent to conquer Mkwawa s fortified city at Kalenga. The column intended to subdue and occupy the entirety of the Hehe Empire. We do know from Nigmann, who spoke to his Hehe after the events of the s he was their commander in Maji Maji and thereafter , that Mkwawa indeed feared precisely this and felt threatened by the Zelewski expedition.

He learned of its approach when they were only four days march from Kalenga at Mage: Quawa [sic] sounded the alarm and moved immediately with the Michael Musso, Mukwava na kabila lake Arusha, Tanzania: East African Publications Limited, ,. Unbelievable as it sounds, the defeat and subjugation of the Hehe Empire was not Zelewski s goal when he set out in June , and he likewise did not intend to capture Kalenga. He himself did not even know against whom he was supposed to be waging war.

On 8 June , Zelewski wrote German Chancellor von Caprivi that he intended to undertake a campaign in order to throw back the Mafiti that have broken into the hinterland of Kiloa [meaning Kilwa on the coast] and to chastise the marauding and uncompromising Wahehe From there [Usagara] I will turn to Mpapua [Mpwapwa in Ugogo] and then attack the Wagogo and the Wahehe.

In the case of danger to the residence itself of the Sultan, accelerated mobilization was accomplished through the sounding of a real alarm by beating the great sultan drum, upon which the warriors of the residence and the area surrounding it assembled without delay at the seat of the sultan The great drum of the sultan, a hollowed out tree trunk covered with cow s hide, approximately 2 meters high, burned during the storming of Iringa [meaning Kuirenga] on 30 October Ibid.

Arnold further argues that this means that the Hehe capital, Kalenga, was not in fact threatened, as the column was headed towards Nguruhe, ancestral homeland of the Hehe, not Kalenga. Why Zelewski intended to do this is not stated anywhere. It is also true that the name of the leader of Hehe Empire, Mkwawa Quawa in most German documents first appears as Kuawa in a report from Lieutenant von Tettenborn, a participant and one of the only survivors of the expedition, from 30 August , in which he states the apparent death of Kuawa as the reason for the Hehes leaderlessness.

Equally confusing is the identity of the so-called Mafiti against whom Zelewski was putatively campaigning.

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If one asks Tanzanians today, scholars and average people alike, about the Mafiti, they will tell you they have never heard of them in sharp contrast to the Hehe or Gogo or the peoples that lie between them and the southeastern coast where the Mafiti supposedly resided. I noticed in this case that, taken precisely, instead of Mafiti the name Mahenge should be used, though I always use the name Mafiti because on the coast around Usamaro it is applied especially to the Mahenge.

Mafiti was both a designation applied to warlike neighbors as well as a term sometimes used as a term for one s own fighting unit when one wanted to extort Hongo from neighbors or caravans. Larson offers yet another interpretation: Even if he really meant the Mbunga as Larson suggests, he was headed in entirely the wrong direction. Many authors discuss Schutztruppe campaigns against the Mafiti without any sense that the label might be problematic. See Paul Reichard, Deutsch-Ostafrika. Seine politische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Leipzig: Eine Schilderung deutscher Tropen nach 10 Wanderungen Berlin: Vossische Buchhandlung, , ; and H.

Brockhaus, , In all three cases, they seem to use Mafiti as a generic label for the Bantu peoples that lay between Kilwa and the southern highlands. Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, , and L. Governor von Soden would have probably denied authorization for the haphazard expedition had he known more about the Prussia of East Africa, as the Hehe state was later known.

To be sure, two years later acting Governor Friedrich von Schele who himself was far more of a hawk than von Soden , being more familiar with the Hehe, forced Reichskommisar H. Wissmann to desist in any attempt to go after the Hehe while the latter was on the so-called Steamer Expedition the Dampfer-Expedition, during which Germany s greatest African, as he was known by the s, brought a steamship in pieces to Lake Nyassa in order to explore the region and in theory fight the slave trade. When seeking to discover why Governor von Soden authorized such a large expedition whose goals and putative targets were both so unclear, one is led to a letter written by von Soden to Chancellor Caprivi, dated 15 June , which offers a justification that is as cynical as it is pragmatic: The most serious thing about the entire campaign, which look like it will run harmlessly, is: The German public and officer corps were furious when this letter became public in the wake of the destruction of the Zelewski expedition.

The available documents leave one uncertain as to what Zelewski thought he was doing when he marched eastward with his column.

It would seem he did not have the clear goals ascribed to him by scholars like Musso and Mann, but he did clearly know that a collection of marauding tribesmen of uncertain quantity and location were subverting German attempts to control the interior of the colony, their authority hitherto being restricted almost entirely to the coast. Indeed, the manner in which the Schutztruppe column indiscriminately destroyed villages along their path implies that Zelewski did not particularly care.

On his way, he engaged in a campaign of destruction against villages, crops, and people of the sort that had on the coast earned him the Swahili name, Nyundo the hammer. While this destructive strategy seems to the contemporary observer as counterproductive in light of the myriad experiences with counterinsurgency in the twentieth century, as both the Arab Revolt and subsequent events in Uhehe made clear, it was par for the course in German East Africa.

German-led forces treated most of East Africa as enemy territory, as indeed it was, full of hostile natives and potential enemies in all directions. While the savvier members of the Schutztruppe proved masters at the sly diplomacy of divide and rule, many Zelewski included responded to conditions with the utmost ruthlessness. Equally, Hehe power also One is reminded of the behavior of the Schutztruppe s successors in a later attempt at empire building, the Wehrmacht s war of destruction on the Eastern Front from to More on this comparison will be offered in chapter five.

As to divide and rule diplomacy, the annals of German colonial history offer many inveterate masters. Sometimes they were right; many West German firms did indeed hope to make a profit in Africa, for example, and often the plans these firms developed did not make successful long-term national development a priority. Other times, what East German criticisms decried as neo-colonialism might more accurately be described as the latent vestiges of a colonial mindset that, by the late s, was quickly going out of style.

And finally East German critics frequently employed charges of neo-colonialism simply as an effort to taint West German programs, policies, organizations, or individuals. Whatever the validity of East German accusations, in a national context they were meant to win support from the German people. We must make it clear to the German people that colonial politics and imperialist ambitions are not in accordance with the interests of the German people.

It is important to demonstrate that Wilhelmine colonial policies were policies that the German taxpayer paid full price for, and that it was demagogy when it was said that German workers need colonies. These were the politics of imperialism and not of the people. The government in Bonn, which pursues openly neo-colonialist policies, has no right to speak on behalf of the German people, because it is the government and representative of monopolists and militarists. Its politics are in stark contradiction to the national interests of the German people!

The United Nations provided one natural venue for the SED to plead its case, both with regards to the continuing injustices of colonialism and in terms of a just settlement of the German question. From its inception the United Nations recognized the need to deal with issues of colonialism; its charter, signed on June 26, by the 50 states present at the UN Conference on International Organization in San Francisco, deals with colonial issues in three chapters. Although the Charter explicitly promotes self-determination, the compromises necessary for its creation meant that it did not specify how soon colonial power should grant their colonies independence.

However, despite such progress—which included a large number of states obtaining independence in —the UN General Assembly felt that decolonization was not taking place as quickly as it should. Despite its relative ineffectiveness the United Nations still played an important role in the international debate over decolonization beginning in the s, serving as a forum where all sides could be heard.

Although neither German state was a member of the United Nations until , both made use of this forum throughout the s and s. The Federal Republic sent a permanent mission to the United Nations and obtained official observer status in the early s, while the German Democratic Republic frequently addressed the General Assembly in letters and documents condemning the continued abuses of colonialism, supporting the UN Charter and resolution , and laying much of the blame for the problems facing the colonial and decolonizing world at the feet of the United States and, increasingly, West Germany.

But the Bonn government is today one of the chief supporters of Portuguese colonialists in Angola and Mozambique and a direct ally of the bloody Verwoerd regime. The UN Charter proclaims the principles of equality of large and small states, but the stated objectives of the Bonn government include the domination of Europe and the pursuit of neo-colonialist domination in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

In direct contrast are the attitudes of the government of the other German state, the West German Federal Republic. Closely aligned with the colonial powers in NATO, above all France, Holland, Belgium, and Portugal, it supports the continuation of policies aligned with colonialism. By supporting the colonial interests of its NATO partners, it realizes its own as well. Therefore it makes available to the colonial powers in great numbers weapons and funds for the continuation of brutal terror against oppressed peoples and promotes the recruitment of West German citizens as mercenaries for the colonial powers.

In this regard East German protestations failed. Such failure did not prevent the SED from sending envoys to other international organizations to spread the same gospel, however. From the very beginning, the Politburo conceived of East German participation as an opportunity to win international support regarding the German question.

Instead, they sought to maximize both in whatever combination seemed most effective. Despite ideological differences, both states ultimately pursued policies of political and economic engagement that closely resembled one another. West and East Germans described and justified very similar efforts to make advances in the colonial world in totally different ways, ways permitted by their respective institutional and discursive political structures.

In the West this meant a focus on the opportunities colonialism created for colonized and colonizer. In the East, the evils of colonial exploitation had top billing. This deeper resemblance despite superficial dissimilarities emerged time and again as both states sought to promote friendship and cooperation and to provide aid and assistance to newly independent states. Friendship and Cooperation, Aid and Assistance In the late s both East and West Germany began to actively court the affections of former colonies around the world, and given the increasing pace of decolonization in Africa, much of their attention gravitated there.

Both states sponsored organizations intended to promote friendship and facilitate cultural and social exchange, and both states implemented policies designed to assist in the development of viable economic and political systems. Such practical similarities notwithstanding, however, East German rhetoric persisted in efforts to differentiate the two postwar German states, denying similarities between East and West German organizations and policies and instead decrying West German efforts as neo-colonialist while trumpeting East German anti-colonialist equivalents.

Two organizations with nearly identical names provide the clearest parallels. In the Federal Republic the German Africa Society emerged in to fill the void left by the West German Foreign Office, which dealt with political matters, and the Afrika-Verein, which primarily concerned itself with business and economics. What began as a group of 32 individuals in its first year of existence grew to over members by early The SED also charged the society with helping newly independent African nations meet their cultural and educational needs, including the training of national cadres.

The first of these took place in October as a means to address a lack of interest in and knowledge about Africa. It boasted African guests from 33 countries. Unfortunately, despite—or perhaps because of—significant public funding the Society ran into problems by its third Africa Weeks, forcing a postponement. Der deutsche Imperilaismus und China , Studien zur Kolonialgeschichte und Geschichte der nationalen und kolonialen Befreiungsbewegung Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, , West German tactics, real or exaggerated, ultimately backfired: Unlike the Peace Corps, neither group became wildly popular.

In East Germany this was by design, as the Brigades—like the East German Africa Society—were intended to do as much in the way of propaganda as development work. Both of these goals were frequently expressed in terms of colonialism: Anti-colonialist rhetoric alone, however, could not win the recognition East German officials desired. The SED recognized this, and realized that anti-colonialist movements and new postcolonial states wanted concrete assistance and aid.

Instead, East German efforts to buy friends took other forms. From the s through the s East Germany sent finished goods to developing socialist countries and desperate communist parties. West Germany quickly became a world leader in providing aid and assistance to developing countries. At least, that is what the Federal Ministry of Economics claimed in when it reported that the FRG had given 65 countries almost 23 billion DM since Many individuals in the Federal Republic—especially those with political leanings left of center—saw such help as a responsibility and a chance to do for others what the United States had done for Germany after World War II: European nations should know this from their own experience, since to a large part they have a form of development aid—the Marshall Plan—to thank for their reconstruction after the Second World War.

One letter to Wischnewski complaining about calls for increased aid to developing countries summed up a number of common arguments: Who helped us out? Entwicklungshilfe in neuer Sicht. Aid and assistance from West Germany often met with skepticism from developing countries and criticism from East Germany. Erhard himself recognized the fears of countries on the receiving end of aid as mistrust stemming from the colonial period, and for this reason encouraged the careful selection of particular economic projects rather than simply dumping large amounts of capital into developing countries.

As other colonial powers loosened their grasp—or, in the face of France, finally let go after burning themselves badly—Portugal and its empire attracted increasing attention from all sides. While earlier projects like the construction of a new harbor for Togo attracted criticism from East Germany for neocolonialism, it was not until the Cahora Bassa Dam project that the Federal Republic had to endure any significant attacks against its development policies. The project, initially developed during the administration of conservative Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger, ran into heavy criticisms in the early s when the new SPD administration under Willy Brandt choose to go forward with it after other states like Sweden had backed out.

Attacks came not only from East German propaganda, but from student and leftist groups in West Germany. Indeed, it was the Cahora Bassa Dam project that mobilized larger numbers of West Germans, especially students and other younger West Germans, to transform the work of the establishment- oriented Angola Committee into a widespread movement in the Federal Republic against Portuguese colonialism.

Many worried that the economic gains to be had from the dam would only serve to prop up the Portuguese position in Mozambique indefinitely. Has Kenya, for example, accused the English of developing too much infrastructure in the colonial period? And does Ethiopia to this day still enjoy the network of roads developed by the Italians during the few years of the occupation, roads that have hardly been improved.

Debates about the Cahora Bassa Dam project reflected the new frame through which West Germans saw colonialism after the war in Algeria, but in their intensity they represented something of an outlier. Only the related issues of South West Africa and South Africa provoked similarly passionate responses. Although the end of French rule in Algeria and decolonization more generally brought great changes for former metropoles, in West Germany it did more to change the way people thought and spoke than what they or the West German state actually did.

By , for example, West Germany had committed over DM 51 billion to developing countries, compared to only DM million from the GDR—a significant portion of which the East German government never actually granted. Cambridge University Press, , Some of the more popular items included printing presses and typewriters—given their anti-militaristic rhetoric, the closest the state or party wanted to come to the weapons or ammunition more immediately useful in a liberation struggle was uniforms or motorcycles.

From the point of view of many in the Federal Republic, the former colonies and developing countries where West German advisors and experts served were all too susceptible to influence and coercion from the East. One even feels a little like a garrison along the Siegfried Line facing an eastern attack carried out not with tanks and infantry but with loans and economic advisors. This did not, however, mean the SED had to make a choice between framing their aid and assistance as being anti-monopoly capitalism or anti-colonial. Rather, they were one and the same. At the same time, and with the same motivation, the party took cases of discrimination and racism seriously, such as complaints from an African May Delegation that visited the Leipzig Zoo in The second article recounts many of the same incidents, including questions such as whether or not the African visitors lived in houses back in Africa.

Other cases of racism received considerably more attention and reflected more than just ignorance and curiosity. Rather, such racism seems to have been learned in postwar Germany, inadvertently taught by Americans and hardened by concerns about proper female social and sexual activity in the wake of Klaus M. For East German officials, however, the true sentiments Germans had for decolonizing and formerly colonized peoples did not matter as much as the image of East Germany as a friendly, peace-loving, anti-colonialist state that had overcome the forces of racism and imperialism that had marred the German past.

Princeton University Press, As a result, accusations of West German neo-colonialism and proud boasting about East German anti-colonialism functioned on a variety of levels and, East German officials hoped, would be appropriate for a number of different audiences in Germany and around the world.

Ultimately, however, anti-colonialism gained East Germany little more than sympathy: Indeed, anti-colonialism would not gain a significant foothold in West Germany until the late s, and not as a result of East German propaganda. Moreover, even after some West Germans—largely students and leftists— began to criticize colonialism and imperialism in large numbers, another group continued to view colonialism and the German colonial past in particular quite differently.

Service in the Foreign Legion brought Germans from both postwar states to the battlefields of Vietnam and Algeria, where they fought—and many died—on behalf of a colonial power in decline. Some German Legionnaires, given the opportunity, took up arms against the French, joining the Vietnamese or Algerian struggle against French colonialism.

More importantly, responses in both the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic reflected the attitudes towards colonialism that dominated the discourse in each society. On the one hand, Germans from both states expressed shock and outrage: On the other hand, East German reporting and propaganda went further, explicitly criticizing France for treating West Germany as a colony from which to recruit soldiers for its colonial wars, attacking the West German government for its complicity and even cooperation in making these colonial wars possible, and fomenting desertion and defection among Germans serving in the Legion.

While some on the left in West Germany expressed similar views— especially members of SPD youth organizations—the closest most West Germans came to colonial critiques was to debate the present and future status of West German sovereignty. The vast majority of West Germans, disheartened as they were to see Germans dying for a foreign power, for France no less, questioned not the legitimacy of French military action in Vietnam and Algeria but rather the legitimacy of French recruitment for the Foreign Legion. Although they may not have recognized it, for West Germans the French Foreign Legion represented another direct connection to European colonialism.

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Like more formal arrangements including NATO and the European Economic Community, the Foreign Legion committed West Germans to the maintenance of colonial rule in the face of a threat widely—if inaccurately—understood to be emanating from Moscow. In the case of the Foreign Legion, this commitment came at the level of the individual rather than the state.

Still, at any level this commitment reflected not so much an enthusiasm for colonialism as a pragmatism that accepted the logics of colonial rule at face value. Similarly, in East Germany the Foreign Legion served as yet another target for anti-colonialist propaganda. Criticizing the Foreign Legion in West Germany Although it did not always attract the same degree of attention it did in later years, German membership in the French Foreign Legion predated the post period significantly.

More often than not this collection of foreign and French soldiers fought for France overseas; after Louis Philippe created the Foreign Legion in in order to circumvent new restrictions on the service of foreign troops in the French army the Legion saw its first deployment in Algeria. In its first few decades Legionnaires fought in Spain, Italy, and even Mexico, but during the Third Republic the Legion began to earn its reputation as a colonial force, expanding and solidifying French control in North Africa, Madagascar, and Indochina.

German membership took off after the Franco-Prussian War ended in as demobilized soldiers joined the Legion. Indeed, some of the Germans who enlisted at that time may well have fought against the Legion during the Siege of Paris, the first time For more on the Legion and Germans serving in it, see Eckard Michels, Deutsche in der Fremdenlegion Similar deployments in World War I and World War II brought the Legion back to France to fight against the German army once again, and, as before, when the Legion returned to Algeria and elsewhere after those wars it did so with increased German membership.

After its creation in , the Legion provided a destination for soldiers from disbanded foreign regiments. These soldiers—and later Legionnaires, as well—could even earn French citizenship upon completion of a full tour of duty. Nor was French citizenship the only avenue by which Legionnaires could start a new life: From early on the Legion attracted less desirable elements of French and European society, including criminals, failed revolutionaries, and others eager for a fresh start.

Romantic images of the Foreign Legion to this day feature a group of misfit outcasts fighting bravely in exotic locales against barbarous indigenous peoples. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, popular wisdom suggested that the Legion played host to the dregs of society as well as those otherwise respectable elements in search of adventure.

Soldiers, especially young soldiers or career soldiers with few other skills, found in the French Foreign Legion an opportunity to continue to ply their trade. This prospect of employment proved a powerful draw, Many Germans were well aware of this history. With hundreds of young German men applying every month, the Legion found itself with a steady flow of soldiers to fight French wars in Indochina and Algeria. Given the large numbers of Germans, however, what might otherwise have been a French effort to maintain control of its empire became a European one. One quoted an official figure of More troubling to many West Germans than the relatively large role Germans were playing in maintaining colonialism, however, were the absolute figures: Of course, this did not prevent the West German press from guessing.

During the war in Vietnam, estimates in the press ranged from 40, German members of the Legion in to 50, Germans killed in Vietnam alone by They also suggest that mounting West German concern about these figures had inspired hysterical overestimation on the part of the press, the state, and even ordinary citizens. As the war in Vietnam and then in Algeria progressed, the consistently high numbers of Germans recruited into the legion eclipsed the total number of Germans serving in terms of importance within West German public discourse.

In a story appeared in Die Welt indicating that the collection camp in Offenburg produced an entire company of men each week— to Germans a month. West German citizens, the press, and even some politicians criticized the French for abusing their position as an occupying power in order to fill the ranks of the Foreign Legion. Even more outrageous to West Germans was the recruitment of minors into the Legion. Outrage spread as reports of these incidents became increasingly common. The West German state responded to complaints about recruiting tactics and the age of potential Legionnaires as best it could, but given the circumstances after World War II by and large its hands were tied.

Even after the occupation ended the state enjoyed little success in dealing with these issues and failed to placate West Germans incensed at the large numbers of young men and even boys dying halfway around the world. For many who joined in the immediate aftermath of World War II, the choice was one born of practicality. After France exploited its position by heavily recruiting in prisoner-of-war camps. For those Germans who joined, the Legion provided an early escape from these camps and a rare guarantee of steady employment in the form of a five-year enlistment. Then they switched over to the hundreds of thousands of young prisoners in the prisoner of war camps in the French motherland.

The Legion established collection camps, recruiting stations, and other facilities in cities like Kehl, Landau, and Offenburg throughout its zone of occupation, and many Germans from all over the country willingly made their way to these locations. Given the steady drop of the franc between and it is difficult to pinpoint how much these recruits earned, but one recruit recalled earning 15, francs each month during his training and 20, francs during his deployment to Indochina.

West Germans recognized the socio-economic forces at work, but anger grew nonetheless; how could the German economy ever hope to recover if young able- bodied men went off to fight in the Foreign Legion instead of remaining in Germany? The feeling that France was taking unfair advantage of the postwar situation permeated nearly all discussions of the Foreign Legion.

Of course, the press also sensationalized these stories in an effort to attract and keep readership, playing up rumors and gossip suggesting that among the POWs joining the Legion were Nazis, SS men, and war criminals. Propaganda, they suggested, could hardly enhance the already romantic image of the Legion, and the opportunity for steady work the Legion provided spoke for itself. Contrary to French claims, recruiters made promises to young German men that bore little resemblance to the realities of life as a Legionnaire. Bedenkenlose Werbemethoden treiben Tausende Verzweifelter in die Fremdenlegion.

As the group set up camp they received word of a local restaurant where they could eat and drink their fill for next to nothing. Upon further investigation, however, they discovered that the restaurant—located at the end of a narrow ally and patronized by Frenchmen in uniforms—had a reputation. Drugged beer as well as rigged card games and other tricks brought the proprietor more than enough revenue per head to make up for the cheap food and drink he advertised to travelers.

Fortunately they were able to escape, returning to Germany from Marseille via freight train. Hoffman and his compatriots were then transported to the German city of Kehl, just across the Rhine from Strasbourg. From Kehl the recruits were to be taken to Marseille, but the night before Hoffman escaped and fled to the American occupation zone. One reporter experienced Foreign Legion violence firsthand: The second, Paul Berendes, vanished while still only seventeen years old, but letters received by his parents suggested the young man worked as a laborer for the Legion until his eighteenth birthday, at which point he became a soldier.

A survey of 40 Germans who escaped the Legion in , for example, found that none had been forced into service. In addition to the mere presence of the French as an occupying force, which created opportunities in and of itself thanks to the proximity it created to potential recruits, French sovereignty in its zone of occupation poked holes in West German laws that might otherwise prevent citizens from joining the Legion. A particularly upsetting abuse of authority in the minds of many was the use of French military transports to bypass border checkpoints and bring German recruits to France.

When asked to allow the Germans to present their papers, the driver refused and sought the assistance of the nearby French gendarmerie. Despite West German efforts, the French officers raised the barrier and allowed the transport through. A number of West Germans turned with increasing frustration to the West German state. Some of these were the products of limitations put on the West German state as a result of World War II and the occupation, but others were the result of political calculations on the part of the Adenauer government.

West German law technically contained provisions outlawing the recruitment of Germans for service in foreign armed forces. Like much of West German law, the Strafgesetzbuch StGB , or criminal code, actually dated back to the criminal code of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Imperial Germany, which in turn built upon the laws of the North German Confederation. There exists at this time no legal basis for interfering with recruitment.

There is nothing contained in the Basic Law against recruitment for foreign military service. Allied Control Council Law Nr.

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You will not receive any protection from us. They usually receive no answer to their letters. Nach deutschem Recht verboten - Besuch im Sammellager Offenburg. The SPD especially as well as other, smaller parties repeatedly asked the government whether it was aware of the problem and how it intended to respond. Failures on the part of West German officials to affect any change when it came to German service in the French Foreign Legion came not for wont of trying.

Politicians and bureaucrats in West Germany made efforts to secure the return of German Legionnaires, limit recruiting, and warn young men about the dangers posed by the Legion. Between January and December , over one thousand additional applications arrived, fifty of which resulted in the release of the Legionnaires in question. Such limitations made progress difficult on many fronts; only in its efforts to inform and warn German youths did the state enjoy anything more than a small degree of success. In reality, however, the government lacked not only the ability to get tough on recruitment but also, to some extent, the will: Key differences between French and West German law complicated the issue; like West German law, French law set the age of majority at twenty-one years.

However, the regulations governing the Foreign Legion permitted the recruitment of members from the age of eighteen without restriction. In West Germany, by contrast, Germans under twenty-one years old could only sign the sort of contact committing them to service in the Legion with the assent of their parents. Due to its status as an occupying power, however, French law trumped West German law, and throughout the s and s West German responses to inquiries made by parents remained overwhelmingly consistent: Even then chances were slim.

Still the letters came, from the parents of Heinrich Balzer, 18 years old, and of Klaus Klapetek, Secretaries read and passed these letters along to members of parliament, the president, and the chancellor. Some parents, desperate to make an impression, pleaded for help on account of special circumstances. Concern about the age of German recruits for the Foreign Legion did not appear fully formed in the German psyche.

In September, a seventeen year old boy in Cologne seeking work narrowly avoided recruitment by two foreigners promising work in Koblenz. Essener entrann der Fremdenlegion aus einer Kaserne in Koblenz. In addition to criticizing French recruitment tactics, West German parents and politicians attacked the very notion of Germans fighting for France in the colonies.

Some critics argued that enough Germans had already died in World War II; others simply objected to the idea of Germans fighting under a French flag, often against other Germans. Few raised the issue of colonialism, except to contend that the French should defend their own empire rather than having Germans do it for them. Only the far left called into question French claims that Vietnam represented not a conflict between French colonial-imperialism and a national liberation movement but one—like the war in Korea—fought to protect the western world from communism.

Even when West German commentators questioned the degree of sovereignty the nascent Federal Republic truly enjoyed the vast majority did not seriously pause to consider whether or not West Germany had become a French colony, or a colony for the Western Allies for that matter. French exploitation of a combination of legal limitations imposed by the Allied Control Council and illegal activity along the French border to fill the ranks of the Foreign Legion provided plenty of fodder for discussions about West German sovereignty.

The smuggling of German recruits across the border near Schweigen, for example, occurred only weeks before parliamentary debates about the ratification of the General Treaty intended to restore to the Federal Republic nearly all the rights of a sovereign state. The incident ensured that this debate about sovereignty took place not only amongst West German politicians, however, but in the public.

Tens of thousands of Germans are dying there for the glory of France without France once mentioning this German contribution. Like their counterparts in West Germany, they expressed outrage at the tactics recruiters used and the age of those they recruited. They watched with alarm as unemployment and other societal shortcomings drove Germans to make a living by putting their lives on the line—perhaps not for the first time—and doing it for a foreign power, no less.

What set the East German responses apart, however, was the addition of a strong anti-colonialist bent. At the prompting of SED leadership the East German press and state officials criticized France for using Germans to fight a colonial war, attacked the West German government for its complicity and even cooperation to this end, and appealed to those Germans who ended up in the Foreign Legion to abandon their posts or even defect and join the fight against French and West German colonialism and neo-colonialism.

Even as France cast large numbers of Germans into the role of colonizer, East German propaganda attempted to use this fact to discredit colonialism and imperialism, unmask rampant militarism in the West German government, and spread the anti-colonialist cause.

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East German statements condemning the tactics of recruiters or lamenting the extent to which such tactics succeeded represented concerns shared with West German citizens, politicians, and members of the press, but the language and context in which East German propaganda expressed these sentiments returned time and time again to French imperialism and French colonialism. Defending young Germans from the French Foreign Legion was good politics. Domestically, it touched a nerve that ran through East and West German society; given the devastation and loss of life that occurred during World War II, children and young adults had become even more important to societal reproduction than otherwise might have been the case.

More broadly speaking, keeping young Germans out of the Legion meant not only hindering French efforts to maintain a crumbling colonial empire but also the promotion of an alternative relationship between peoples that no longer depended on exploitation and inequality. Our youth are much to precious to us that we could sacrifice them for dirty colonial wars or deliver them to German militarism to serve as canon fodder.

Our youth should not die for profit interests, but live for Germany! Our youth should not be the enemy of another people, but rather should live strive in beautiful friendship with the youth of all nations towards lasting peace. To these ends, East German propaganda presented the French Foreign Legion as agents of colonialism and imperialism that oppressed and exploited not only the peoples of Vietnam and Algeria, but of Germany as well: Indeed, many Germans likely remembered only too well the stationing of African soldiers in occupied Germany after World War I, a decision that triggered harsh, racist backlash.

The occupation allowed French recruiters unique advantages in recruitment, but as the French government never tired of reminding West and East Germans, the decision to join the Legion was a voluntary one—at least most of the time; the same cannot be said of French colonial troops. Furthermore, complaints about recruitment tactics after World War II were not unique to occupied Germany; similar stories appeared in Switzerland, Denmark, and other countries which clearly were not in danger of becoming French colonies.

Moreover, German troops did not fight in the regular French army, which allowed only French citizens and subjects; instead, they fought in the Foreign Legion, not as colonial subjects, but as colonizers. As though recognizing this discrepancy, by the mid s East German propaganda largely gave up on the idea of West Germany as a colony in favor of a view that portrayed the West German state as an ally of Western colonialism and imperialism—indeed, as a neo-colonialist power unto itself.

Critical Essays Westport, Conn.: University of Michigan, Now Herr Adenauer wants to do the same on a larger scale. West Germany would rearm, but its military would come under the authority of a group of Western European states including France, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. While it was intended as an alternative to West German membership in NATO and aimed at defense against a potential conflict with the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, East German propaganda painted the European Defense Community as another example of Adenauer and the West German state selling out, sacrificing the interests of the German people for their own imperialistic and militaristic ends.

In materials prepared in for upcoming West German elections, one East German radio broadcast included an appeal from an Algerian citizen to oust Adenauer: It is the Adenauer government that makes it possible for our oppressors to continue to deploy the Foreign Legion in battle against the Algerian people.

It is the Adenauer government that makes millions of Marks available to the French government in order to rescue it from the financial, social, and political abyss to which the criminal war in Algeria and the brave resistance of the Algerian people have led it. And therefore the French colonists can only continue their war of exploitation against our people with the help of their allies, the government of West Germany foremost among them. And only thus can the French paratroopers still commit their atrocities against the civilian population of Algeria, because the German soldiers in the Foreign Legion help them.

Adenauer and the West German government, then, were as guilty as any French imperialist. East German officials used such complicity and guilt not only in its appeals to West Germans but also as a part of its foreign policy propaganda. For example, materials for German Legionnaires criticized recruitment tactics: Unlike the materials intended for other groups, however, East German propaganda aimed at German Legionnaires also encouraged desertion and even defection.

Anyone who leaves the Foreign Legion now will enjoy the amnesty of the government of the German Democratic Republic and receive work and bread in the homeland.