Everyone, including shopowners, buys tradegoods from the longboats that ply the Telen. Surplus rice, garden produce, and forest products can be sold to the longboats or to the shopkeepers; or a trip can be made to the timber camps or the pilot plantation from a half to two hours distance by outboard motor driven canoe ces ,13 where a potentially more lucrative market exists.
Kenyah express and demonstrate a reluctance to engage in trade compared to many ethnic groups, unless the proits are high and fairly certain. Located inland and squarely on the equator, the weather is considered by locals and researchers to be hotter than the degree C.
Wage labor opportunities are available in agriculture, but the more lucrative employment involves sub-contracting with the timber companies, with the pilot plantation, or providing lumber sawn in the forest with a chainsaw to Samarinda-based buyers. Almost all wage labor opportunities involve forest-clearing or forest-harvesting. Study Methods That people in Long Segar regularly cut down trees in the forest emerged as the most direct and potentially destructive human action affecting the forest.
The speciic studies undertaken are briely listed below: The AK-LS survey included: The predominant reasons that the Kenyah cut down trees are economic. But three kinds of considerations must be borne in mind if we want to understand Kenyah participation in economic activity. First, the Kenyah currently have knowledge of ive kinds of food- or income- producing activity: Second, they make decisions about the allocation of their time to these various pursuits with a separate set of contextual realities in mind.
Though less easily listed, these include at least the following: Before listing speciic reasons Kenyah cut down trees, an attitudinal factor should be clariied. I did ethnographic research in an American logging community immediately prior to the Long Segar research.
In Bushler Bay see, e. Logging is seen as manly and good. People value the excitement, danger, and symbolic signiicance of the work; and many would not consider alternate kinds of employment despite recurrent physical risk and uncertain employment. There is an explicit recognition in the community that there is more to logging than pure economics. Among the Kenyah tree cutting per se is not valued. It is instead seen as undesirably dangerous and dificult work, engaged in purely for subsistence purposes or economic gain. A brief summary of the decision- making context of Kenyah economic activity in general may be helpful.
The reasons why people participate in forest harvesting and clearing in Long Segar can be categorized in the following way: Of the irst four activities, only the cultivation of riceields and gardens was possible to any signiicant degree in the Apo Kayan where Long Ampung is located. The remaining categories deal with Kenyah use of forest products. If one were to quantify Kenyah involvement in these respective categories, the importance of the land clearing activities as opposed to forest product acquisition would be markedly greater in Long Segar than in the more traditional setting of Long Ampung.
An examination of these tree cutting activities to clarify the decision-making set that inluences people in their allocation of time and energy to one activity or another follows. This means that all families open a new section of old growth forest every year for their riceield uma , if possible. In Long Segar, the 17 randomly selected riceields that we measured averaged 2.
A variety of contextual similarities between these two Apo Kayan communities suggest that riceield sizes may be similar. Additionally, some comparisons representing probable changes can be made by looking at the numbers of belek18 used for seeds per riceield in Long Ampung and Long Segar. For the harvest, an average of 5. Additionally, Long Ampung riceields tend to be on hillier terrain and in secondary forests due to ca 60 years habitation.
Kenyah maintain that l in hilly areas more seed is wasted it being harder to hit the hole made by the dibble stick and more seed being washed away by rains and 2 in ex-secondary forests, seeds are planted closer together than in ex-old growth forests. These two facts suggest that, in actuality, the Long Segar ields represent an even larger increase in riceield size than the difference in numbers of belek might suggest. The reasons for these larger riceields are not obscure. First, surplus rice can be marketed in Long Segar. Indeed, rice currently provides the least risky agricultural cash crop: Ideally, everyone in most of Indonesia eats rice three times a day, and compared to other local crops rice is relatively nonperishable.
Rice in the past, could be eaten, stored for future need, or distributed to needy family members or friends as insurance for future times of need. Now, it can be sold as well. Secondly, rice cultivation is apparently more risky in Long Segar than in Long Ampung because of the recurrence of loods and brief, but sometimes devastating, droughts. The soils are also less fertile Kartawinata, a, substantiates the reports of Kenyah farmers.
If at all possible, Long Segar households try to make one riceield in a lat, lowland area as a guard against drought and one in an upland area as a guard against lood. The increase in risks in Long Segar may encourage people to plant more rice in the hopes of harvesting an equivalent amount. In and [and again in ], there were virtually no harvests from Long Segar riceields; people subsisted by borrowing, eating cassava, hunting, and engaging in intermittent wage labor LUH.
The mean in Long Ampung households was 78 belek kilos and in Long Segar belek 2, kilos. Although the timber company has legal rights to harvest trees in the area, the rights of indigenous populations to continue their traditional land-use practices are also recognized by the Indonesian Government. This right, combined with the fact that Long Segar is located in a section of forest with few marketable trees as determined by a forestry survey , has meant that the people could essentially do as they liked.
A sense of land scarcity does not, however, seem to be very important in traditional Kenyah daily life, in comparison to most areas of the world. Gardens are important nutritionally, and potentially important as sources of income; but the Kenyah expend less energy and thought on their gardens and consider them far less important than riceields.
Gardens or banit can be small plots near the house, special sections near the ieldhuts at the riceield, crops planted after the harvest of rice in the riceield, or crops planted in young secondary forests. The people expect to have to reduce their fallow period from the previous years to years, with obvious, deleterious results.
There were verbal complaints that there had been inadequate rainfall for the previous four years; there was no question that the harvest was abysmal. The cataclysmic ires of prevented conirmation of this fear, one way or the other; but the result was the same, dire environmental conditions. On Kenyah Dayak Tree Cutting 35 Vegetables tend to be planted near houses and ieldhuts, for easy access. Those near the ieldhut are planted immediately after burning the ield; but the timing of vegetable production is very lexible in that climate, and depends largely on perceived need and desires.
In addition to special gardens for vegetables, some vegetables [notably maize Zea mays , cucumbers Cucumis sativus , and squash Cucurbita moschata ] are planted in holes with rice seed. Cassava Manihot utilissima is planted along paths to riceields. All of the above are used for home consumption unless an opportunity for sale arises unexpectedly. In recent years, partially because of the availability of markets timber camps and longboats headed for Samarinda , second crops, intended for sale, are sometimes planted in riceields after the harvest.
Like rice, these had the advantage of being relatively long-lasting in the absence of refrigeration. The planting of a second crop is a new option to the Kenyah, possible because the warmer climate in Long Segar allows the rice indigenous to the area, but different from Long Ampung varieties to mature more quickly than it did in Long Ampung.
The rice stalks which remain standing in the ields after harvest are cut and burned to enrich the soil before planting the second crop. The soil- enriching qualities of legumes are recognized by the Kenyah. A persistent traditional pattern has been the planting of bananas Musa spp. The rice stalks are cut and sometimes burned to simplify the weeding process , the above crops are planted, and then simply left to grow.
This is the real beginning of the forest succession process. Since these plants take longer to mature than rice, people return to their new fallows for two or three years after the rice harvest to harvest these crops. Virtually no care is taken of these crops, and the forest quickly grows up around them, unhindered by human activity. These trees have grown up with the surrounding forest, providing refreshment and nutrients over the years to the people, and constituting a kind of partial reforestation. In the Apo Kayan, the people plant and care for pandanus Pandanus spp.
Because of this, our need to investigate indigenous knowledge about these and forest foods is urgent. Now, in Long Segar, people are beginning to experiment with various cash crops: Interest in these crops derives from several developments.
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First, the Government plans to bring thousands of families of Javanese Transmigrants to the area. The Resettlement Project plan prescribed ixed, 3 ha plots of land for each family to use. The rights of the timber company to the forest in the area are understood by local residents. There is awareness in the village that the current system of land tenure is on the way out; and people are beginning to consider ways to secure legal rights to their land.
None of these crops has yet proved proitable, but the experiments are only a few years old. The weather is too hot for cloves; and pepper requires more daily care than is compatible with the cycle of agricultural activity related to upland rice cultivation. Environmental advantages of tree crops include the protection they provide for fragile and other soil. Cutting trees, whether by timber companies or by shifting cultivators, can remove the protective canopy, exposing the soil to the intensity of tropical sun and rainstorms. The sun dries the soil increasing the decomposition of organic material and the rain leaches many of the nutrients and may erode the soil, illing the rivers with silt and denuding the area of topsoil.
Fruit trees, ideally within the forest cover, may provide the commercial advantages required for short- term development goals and at the same time safeguard critical, long-term environmental quality.
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Forest Cutting for Money In the Long Segar setting, forest cutting for money provides an important economic supplement to rice production. East Kalimantan is a boom region. It is far and away the largest timber-producing province in Indonesia Ruzicka Men can clear forests for the construction of logging roads, logging camps, transmigration sites, plantations, and houses.
They can also hire themselves out to the lumber companies as sensa chainsaws - a term which refers to both the man and his machine , and cut timber on a contract basis. Or, they can arrange informal agreements with longboat operators and others to provide speciied sizes and lengths of lumber, felled and sawn by chainsaw in the forest. A inal possibility is the production of shingles made of ironwood, for sale. What then are the factors that inluence people - women and men - in their decisions to engage in this form of activity or not?
Such opportunities tend to be farther from the village than one can go encumbered by children; they tend to require knowledge of the Indonesian language which women are less likely to know ; they require interaction with ethnic groups which have more exploitative attitudes about women than do the Kenyah; and they require the physical strength to operate commercial-size chainsaws. Sanday has empirically documented the fact that high status for women requires female participation in productive activity; and that the highest status for women is in groups where they participate approximately equally with men in subsistence.
Given that moneymaking opportunities are primarily available to men, under what conditions do men participate? The tradition of male expedition-making should not be discounted as a motivating factor in decisions to go far aield [Chapter 12]. Just as food production is intimately tied to the Kenyah female sex role, so expedition-making is considered important to the male role. Men have journeyed far as long as any Kenyah can remember, and oral tradition suggests it reaches back a good bit farther than personal memory.
At least since the end of headhunting some 50 years ago, these men have engaged in wage labor, the proceeds of which they applied to consumer products not available at home speciically, salt, cloth, kerosene, sugar, tobacco, and cooking pots. This same pattern is observable in the Apo Kayan to this day, where men come home after year-long absences laden down with consumer goods from the outside. But in Long Segar, the proceeds of wage labor are often brought back in the form received: And improved transportation allows people to come home frequently or even work in or near the village.
The reason given for this underrepresentation by company oficials is that Dayaks are too committed to their rice harvests and will quit as soon as they are needed at home. This local prejudice perhaps founded against the Kenyah, no doubt encourages them to seek work further aield from time to time. Young men go, before they are married or in the early years of marriage; and as their responsibilities at home increase, they tend to seek moneymaking opportunities closer to home.
Also, as their physical strength diminishes, forest harvesting and clearing cease to be open to them. As noted earlier, in the American situation, logging is seen as a romantic profession, at least by the participants Colfer with Colfer Choices among the various alternatives for generating income by cutting down trees and there really are not many lucrative alternatives that do not involve cutting down trees 25 are made in the course of action.
Remembering that rice cultivation is still perceived as the essential core of subsistence, moneymaking opportunities are judged as they relate to agricultural needs.
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If, for instance, someone comes to Long Segar from Samarinda looking for men to clear a Transmigration site, an individual will decide to participate or not, on the basis of at least the following factors: During the March visit, P. Alas Helau, a company operating upriver a bit from Long Segar, provided me with a list of the ethnic composition of their employees.
Is he in good health? What does his family want?
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Does he want to? If newlyweds are very enamored of one another, they may try harder to ind work close to the village so that the young man can return home frequently. If everyone is healthy, the household is large, the rice is just planted, and a young man has just had a disagreement with his assertive mother, he may opt to look for work in Sumatra for a year or two. A man of 35 with a new baby, three children under seven, a sick wife, living in a nuclear family situation, and in need of money, would most likely try to sell a few shingles, boards, or just depend on the sale of rice.
One of the interesting conclusions one must draw from this discussion of tree cutting is that one must look beyond the immediate vicinity to assess human impacts on the forest. However, they are very often involved in forest harvesting activities elsewhere; and other Indonesians are busily harvesting or clearing the forest in the Long Segar area. Given the ecological importance of population density, the implications of all this for fertility behavior are intriguing.
Insofar as population pressure adversely inluences the forest, male absence may be a blessing. On the other hand, one could argue that circular migrants, like the Bugis newcomers to the Balikpapan-Samarinda road cf. Chapter 2 , are unconcerned with the long-term effects of their behavior and wreak far more damage on the local forest than would people who normally live in the area.
Another interesting point is that there is no shortage of opportunities in the region. People are harvesting the forest, and they are clearing it. The Kenyah worry about that from time to time, noting adverse environmental impacts; but they too are caught up in the push for a higher standard of living, and timber harvesting and clearing are among the most direct paths for achieving that.
They also know that if they stop cutting down trees, others will rush in to do it for them cf. Not to participate, realistically, is to bear the brunt of the ultimate destruction of their forest without reaping even the incidental advantages they can, along the way. Their homes were longhouses much like a condominium , built of huge planks and supported by posts feet off the ground.
The people in Long Segar were not allowed by the Resettlement Project to construct longhouses; but many of them managed to create homes that are intermediate between the longhouses they wanted and the individual family dwellings required by Respen. Ironwood, a very durable wood, much valued because of its long life and resistance to rot, is available in the area of Long Segar, and is used extensively in house construction.
Ironwood, like land ownership and use rights, is subject to conlicting rules and regulations. Some argue that it is illegal to harvest it, because it is an endangered species. Others, including representatives of the Indonesian forest service in Samarinda, maintained that it was legal to harvest with a permit. Others maintained that it could be used for traditional purposes such as house construction, freely.
The latter interpretation is accepted in Long Segar; and free trade in ironwood shingles exists between the longboats and various communities along the Telen River. This, combined with their comparatively greater involvement in rice production, suggests an informal division of labor in the vicinity. Indeed, some Kenyah explained their neglect of such opportunities, by stating that Kenyah involvement would spell the end of local availability of these commodities. Granaries, like houses, are sturdy, made of large planks, high off the ground.
Fieldhuts, which must be built every year, in every riceield, are made of many young trees, a few planks, sometimes broad leaves sewn together, sometimes shingles, all tied together with rattan. Canoes, mortars for pounding rice and caskets are made from large trees. A variety of implements used in daily life, like knife handles, slingshots, blowpipes, cooking pot hangers, paddles, wooden xylophones, spears are made from wood which is harvested as needed. Firewood is a consistent need among Kenyah villagers, but it can often be obtained as a side product from some other activity.
Felled partially burned trees are frequently used for irewood. In December, when many riceields were ruined by looding, Long Segar residents went up river and returned with the huge logs that rose with the water in their riceields. The last reason for cutting down trees is to contribute to the diet. The growing tips hearts of certain palm trees are quite tasty; but the entire tree must be chopped down to gain access to the hearts. Although some local names of these palms occur in Table 8.
None of these traditional uses to which the Kenyah put the forest has any observably negative impact, given the small population clusters. Decisions to engage in any of these activities were made on the basis of personal need and inclination. In Long Segar, the traditional uses of forests other than rice cultivation do not seem to have mushroomed into a destructive phase. The problems for the forest appear to derive primarily from the proitability of timber and food production.
A major purpose of Indonesian resettlement programs has been to protect the forest. Our goals, at the time, were to provide useful feedback from a resettlement village, which might help resettlement oficials improve their program. The article was considered to be so critical of the Resettlement Program that I was subsequently called on the carpet by Indonesian security oficials, even warned that I could be denied re-entry if I persisted in these damning analyses.
If I were rewriting this article now, I would also emphasize protection of the rainforests, the importance of biodiversity, the potential of eco-tourism and of collaborative conservation cum development projects with rural people. In subsequent years, I have concluded that government resettlement of Outer Island populations is almost never a sensible course of action.
However, working as a consultant in Indonesia in the mids, I was repeatedly reminded that the concept was alive and thriving. Instead, many researchers are inding that, if the situation in which people are acting is fully understood, their behaviour is quite rational. The latter is particularly similar to the Long Segar situation. For instance, the people of Long Segar frequently cut down trees to make boards. This has implications for development because it represents a possible source of income, and it has implications for the forest because it involves removal of trees and disruption of soil.
We want to know, for instance, which kinds of trees they cut; how much proit they can realize from such endeavors and how this compares with the proits from other available ways to generate income; how the rules and regulations of the concessionaires, the Forestry Department, and the local government relate to this practice; what aspects of the work environment are congruent with Kenyah preferences values and traditions ; and how this economic activity meshes with Kenyah shifting cultivation. We began this research with a sense that if the situations in which people act were fully understood, in a holistic manner, their behaviour would seem reasonable, rather than irrationally resistant to change.
Our indings corroborate this perspective. We have found that the people of Long Segar typically have good reasons for rejecting those governmental programs that they reject; and that they readily accept innovations that they deem appropriate given local conditions. There are some logical implications of these indings i.
In the remainder of this paper we will l discuss those implications, 2 provide a situational analysis of one problematic Respen endeavor in Long Segar, and 3 outline some directions for development that we consider appropriate for the human and ecological conditions in Long Segar. From the Bottom Up 47 of the perspective that rural peoples exhibit greater rationality than development and academic people generally believe.
Some evidence will be provided in the next section The Cows of Long Segar and discussion of these issues is available in both Indonesian Vayda and Colfer and English Chapter 2 ; for the purposes of this presentation, we will build on this perspective rather than argue it. The irst policy implication of having a rational populace is that an understanding of local settings must precede development planning and inputs.
If people are, by and large, behaving rationally, there are reasons for their current economic behaviour; and if incomes and well-being are to increase, we must construct programs that it with the conditions and constraints that characterize their lives. In most development efforts around the world, very little attention is paid to the local context in which projects are to be implemented.
The situation in Long Segar is no exception. Consider the governmental policy to encourage wet rice cultivation in East Kalimantan. Encouragement of wet rice cultivation was deemed reasonable because it is characterized by increased yields, reduced labour per crop , and permanent ields; and because it has been very successful in other parts of Indonesia. Indeed, people in Long Segar recognize the beneits of this kind of cultivation, in certain settings, as well.
However, there is considerable evidence that wet rice is not currently a viable option in Long Segar. The soil is shallow and comparatively infertile, yellow podzolic, the uplands are subject to drought and erosion, the lowlands are subject to looding; and experience shows that after the third year of planting, the rice crop is inadequate, with Imperata cylindrica sometimes succeeding the last rice crop.
The lesson to be learned is that we must more carefully assess the it between local conditions and plans. Decentralization would allow programs to utilize the knowledge local people, including extension workers of various kinds, have of local conditions in the planning and implementation of programs that were genuinely appropriate, given the contexts in which people decide to act or not to act. Decentralization would also provide a mechanism for encouraging the participation of the people, something increasingly recognized as necessary for development programs to be effective.
For instance, in Long Segar, a standardized village plan was provided by the central Respen ofice, requiring that each household head have a separate house. One can hypothesize a number of reasonable motivations on the part of central ofice personnel e.
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Traditionally the people had lived together in longhouses, where mutual assistance and cooperation were easy and expected. Sharing and exchange of food among members of the longhouse were routine. They only share now with those families who are near enough to see them bring home the food. From the Bottom Up 49 welfare. Similarly in the Apo Kayan, the front of the longhouse was an open area where everyone could meet to discuss the affairs of the community and make decisions together.
But in Long Segar, where people have been required to move into separate dwellings, no one has a porch large enough for everyone to come together. Unfortunately the solution has been to exclude the women and children from the community decision-making process. Moving into housing units of one or two nuclear families has decreased the amount of time available to adults for productive activity because sharing of childcare responsibilities is more dificult. They were given handsaws and hammers and measuring tapes and nails, when what they wanted most was to improve their economic situation.
They wanted chainsaws to engage in logging, or outboard motors to decrease the amount of time spent going to their ields. One can question the morality of this behaviour, but one can hardly question the rationality of it. Indeed, it speaks to the creativity of the people in transforming an input that is deemed inappropriate into one that can genuinely improve their economic situation. One lesson is that planning from the center can have unanticipated negative repercussions on village life, and waste the time and energy of both the local population and the local extension workers who try to implement unworkable programs.
A plan that is excellent for conditions in rural West Java may be totally unworkable in the interior of East Kalimantan. Some mechanism must be developed to improve communication between the people and the change agents. The people represent the most logical source of information about and experience with their particular environment. On the other hand, change agents usually have valuable information about improved technology and scientiic discoveries that can be of use to local people.
Indeed, in interviews with Respen personnel, they repeatedly mentioned communication dificulties with local people as their most pressing problem. These problems derive partially from the fact that few Respen personnel or Pramuka speak Kenyah, and many Kenyah do not speak Bahasa Indonesia. First, change agents and others tend to possess uncomplimentary stereotypes about Dayaks e.
These prejudicial stereotypes are evident in the behaviour of outsiders including change agents toward community members. With a bit of empathy, one can see that, under such circumstances, local people are unlikely to participate enthusiastically in development efforts or to share their experience and knowledge of local conditions very wholeheartedly. In the course of their work, they fail from time to time because they do not have knowledge about local conditions both social and ecological.
Such failures put them in a personal, conceptual bind: From the Bottom Up 51 superiority. The local people are in a similar bind: People can better defend their sense of self-respect if they concentrate on the failures of the change agents. This means that an unproductive antagonism exists between the people, and, for instance, Respen personnel. The failures of each are noted by the other, and utilized to enhance self-esteem. Suspicions of corruption at all levels are rampant, and every kind of chicanery is attributed to Respen personnel.
Though it is unlikely that all allegations are accurate, there have been some real betrayals of trust on the part of project personnel over the years, and the people are reticent to believe Respen promises. For instance, in , the people were persuaded to make ields in a lowland area which a multidisciplinary government team had chosen as suitable for wet rice cultivation. Respen promised to provide a necessary pump to bring water from the river to the ields.
The people made their ields in the selected location; they waited all year; the pump never came. In December the area was looded for three weeks, wiping out all the crops; the pump remains undelivered. Our point is not to malign Respen; rather it is to suggest that some mechanism needs to be developed to bring the goals of the people and the goals of the change agents into harmony, so they can work together fruitfully and learn from each other.
The best place to start is with the attitudes and behaviour of change agents because that is an area which Respen, as a government agency, has some power to affect. Training courses should include materials on communication skills, overcoming inter-ethnic hostilities and prejudices, and the potential contribution of local peoples to their own development. In the next section, we present a situational analysis of The Cows of Long Segar. The Cows of Long Segar In a situational analysis, we note some action of signiicance to our wider interests, and we trace the various factors that inluence the actors to behave in this fashion.
In this particular instance we are interested in the fact that ten cows are allowed to run free in Long Segar, regularly devastating the gardens of the inhabitants. Kiani Lestari has signiicant improvements over the Respen experience described above. First, signiicant decision-making planning, implementation and evaluation occurs at the local timber company base, Batu Ampar.
This means that obvious failures and problems can come more easily to the attention of company personnel. These personnel also have authority to respond to problems. Third, the personnel in charge appear genuinely motivated to solve the problems, and have hired village leaders to help them with communication dificulties and spearhead planning and implementation of the programs.
Be that as it may, let us irst examine how the cows came to be in Long Segar in the irst place, since the Kenyah do not have a tradition of keeping cattle. Sixteen families were to be selected from those who wanted to care for a cow, to receive ive-year contracts which stipulated the following: The irst calf was to be given to another member of the community who signed another contract , the second calf belonged to the original contract holder, the third belonged to the owner of the bull, and the fourth began the cycle again.
If no calf was born to the cow, she belonged to the contract owner after seven years. In this way, it was hoped that each family in the community would soon have a cow of its own. Respen also stipulated that the seed stock could not be sold until all members of the community had a cow. As we have mentioned before, wet rice cultivation has not proved viable, so the cows have not been able to assume their intended role.
Instead of proving a valuable asset to the people of the community, they represent a nuisance and an economic liability. Additionally, rather than burgeoning to a sizable population after ive years, their numbers have decreased from sixteen to ten. Cow deaths have occurred in the following ways: So in ive years, eleven died unnatural deaths, and apparently only ive were born. Government oficials, without exception, have attributed this situation to the irresponsibility and incompetence of the people of Long Segar.
They repeatedly asserted that Kenyah are not capable of caring for large animals, that they just leave them to die and that they do not like large animals. But if we look at the situation more closely, to see the conditions and constraints under which the people are operating and making decisions about the care of these animals, perhaps we can make more sense of it. First, because the original sixteen cows were given, as community property, rather than to individuals, the precise ownership status of the cattle was not entirely clear. Traditionally, ownership of animals was vested in individual families; shared ownership of animals was an alien concept to the Kenyah.
Confusion is expressed among community members about their rights to dispose of the cattle. Many believe that none of the cattle can legally be disposed of until every family owns a cow; whereas in actuality only the seed stock is subject to such a constraint.
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