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It's live, it's obviously played by musicians and not by machines - in fact, it's rough as hell - and yet it satisfies a lot of ingredients that needed to be satisfied in order for it to be a commercial record. And I wanted it to be as commercial as possible. I was a guitarist first, then a double bassist, then, at about nineteen, an electric-bass player. Darryl has a very pure approach to bass playing.

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I played on 'Fortress Around Your Heart', only because I was writing it in the studio, and basically I just put down the bass straightaway and it seemed fine, so I kept it on. So I did play some of the bass, but the motherlode of the work was done by Darryl, largely because he's just a wonderful player and can do things I can't. And I'm not precious about my ability as a musician. I think that my function in this group is as a concept organiser.

I'm working with musicians who are technically much, much better than I am. I found the way they played and learned to be incredibly stimulating. It opened me up a bit. Here I m not sure what my position is. I wanted to give them a new springboard. I provided the lyrics, the harmony and melody for them to explore. The first album was a new position for me. These arguments are used by the South African government to defend apartheid: It makes me want to give up, in a way.

Talking about my band, all the people in my band are from middle-class backgrounds; I'm the only working-class kid in the band. I'm from my own kind of ghetto. I'm not a spoiled, middle-class rich kid. I'm rich now, and have all the trappings of wealth. The band made a decision to play with me, and it wasn't just because I was paying well.

I think these guys are of such personal and musical stature, they wouldn't want to play with me if they didn't think it was worth doing. I don't see them as my back-up band. It wasn't as if I were in the spotlight and these guys were I felt it was a band. I wrote the songs, and I was more famous and I sang, so I had an advantage, but there was no way that they were my sidemen.

I didn't want it to be perceived as that. I wanted it to be a band as far as possible. If you listen to the live album I think it sounds like a band. People took solos, took the spotlight. So I can't really take that kind of stuff seriously. I had conceived the album before it was recorded, so that wasn't part of it. I had been in a band before, where everyone didn't decide who was what until much later. In this band it was very clear what we did. I sang and wrote the songs, and played the guitar, and I hired a drummer who would drum. It was a band in the sense that they were allowed to do that.

I had arrangements and we worked from there. They were allowed input to play what they wanted, as long as I liked it. On the live album, I paid the band royalties, because I thought a lot of the stuff was theirs too. So we shared the royalties. And the analogy is this band. By going through this process with this band, I shall destroy a lot of easy options. An easy option is to make a Police record. So it's a frivolous title. I'll give you that, but it offsets the heaviness of most of the album.

I did Jungian analysis for a while, and one of the things you're encouraged to do is use your dreams creatively. In my case, I wrote this music. So it's not entirely stupid, there's a grotesque logic somewhere. They're very macho and athletic and drunk on their own virility. They start doing back flips and somersaults, and in the process they destroy this garden, just wreck it. In the dream I'm watching this spectacle, and instead of being angry I'm laughing.

I woke up laughing.

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During the week of rehearsals for the Ritz shows, I had a dream that I was back home in Hampshire, looking out the window into this big walled-in garden I have out back with its very neat flower bed and foliage. Suddenly, out of a hole in the wall came these large, macho, aggressive and quite drunk blue turtles.

They started doing back- flips and other acrobatics, in the process utterly destroying my garden. So anyway, I'm somehow enjoying this curious spectacle, and the dream is so strong I remembered it perfectly when I woke up, to the point where it became part of my juggernaut to complete this record. Having undergone Jungian analysis, I've gotten proficient at interpreting my own dreams, Carl Jung; having believed that there're doors into the innermost parts of your psyche.

For me, the turtles are symbols of the sub-conscious, living under the sea, full of unrealised potential, very Jungian in their meaning. I have dreams where I create the most unbelievable music, music like Mozart, that I don't consciously have the knowledge to write. It's there, I'm writing it, and it's real. So with the album I wanted to destroy a lot of preconceptions and expectations, and do something unsettlingly different. These blue turtles, these musicians, were gonna help me. My intention was to use musicians who had the finesse of playing jazz, but to make music without that label.

I think we got enough spontaneity on the record and yet enough discipline to have gone into areas that most pop records don't go. A lot of people will be surprised at how this album sounds, because it isn't jazz but nor is it a mainstream pop album. It will be interesting to see how radio adjusts to it. If they adjust at all. I think pop music was at it's best in the '60s, when there were no barriers, no demarcation lines of jazz, classical, whatever. So, I wanted to inject some of that dialectic into this project, and I managed to get the best young jazz musicians in the country. They all wanted to do it, which I think is a great tribute to me, because they don't particularly like rock music.

But also, I didn't want to make a jazz album. I wanted to stretch myself, I wanted to be challenged by what they could do, and I also wanted them to stretch too. I don't think they found it particularly easy, and I was very demanding about what I wanted. I didn't want them to just slip into their jazz mould and go off and do what they can do falling off a log.

I think we're right in there, and I would hereby challenge any band to blow us off stage! I didn't write any sax part as such; I trusted Branford to come up with my vision of it. Like, for 'The Children's Crusade', I said, "I want something that's kind of military," and he played something that was totally, utterly appropriate.

He wouldn't be improvising just with the changes and the chords, he'd be improvising with the lyrics, and you can hear it in the sensitivity of his playing. That was an easy label that journalists put on it. It wasn't marketed that way. It has some flavour of jazz, hopefully the sensibility of jazz.

I'm not that interested in jazz to produce a jazz record. I'm interested in selling songs. We got a jazz Grammy nomination for the album. Thank God we didn't win. That would have been too much. I put this on the record and thought, "This is really going to put the cat among the pigeons - how are they going to play it in their format" And they did. I think it's my duty to use the power to, if not revolutionise it, then push the boundaries of what they're willing to play. That's what the album's about, going through that filter. I didn't want to extend what the Police had done because that would have sounded like a Police album.

It was something we really didn't think about. We knew about space, less is more, and simplicity. We didn't really think about "Let's play that chord here. If I have to look for a blueprint for what I hope to do, it's probably 'The White Album' by the Beatles, which was about songs. I've never been into having this "sound. I hope I'm getting better at what I'm doing, but I'm just trying to add to what I've done. The modern pop song form was becoming narrow and formulaic again by the time of Blue Turtles, but you felt it could have jazz in it, a Caribbean lilt, and more substance rhythmically and thematically.

I needed to exorcise the Police, which in a way had a defined form and structure. I wanted to escape that and present a whole plethora of possibilities. But for me it was just a banner, saying, "Here, I can do this! I can fly here, I can fly there, up, down, go sideways! I hired the musicians and my function was to sing and to write the songs.

As a result of the work, the bank is already enjoying a reduction in the number 'critical' and 'high priority' incidents caused by technology failures, which have plagued NAB in recent years. Investment in technology had led to an 87 per cent reduction in high priority incidents and a 90 per cent reduction in 'critical' priority incidents, the bank claimed. Around 1, staff have left so far. We are investing four and a half billion dollars over the next three years to focus on our clients, to make the bank simpler and faster, and to capture growth opportunities that we think are in front of Australia.

First the Judenstern "Jewish star," i. Two weeks later, on the Day of Atonement , in the middle of a sermon by Rabbi Leo Baeck , the president of the community was summoned to the Gestapo and told that the community would have to prepare for a partial evacuation from the city, that large apartments still occupied by Jews would have to be cleared, that many additional parts of the city would now be out of bounds to Jews, and that the Levetzowstrasse synagogue would be turned into a Sammellager "assembly camp" for 1, persons. In due course more such assembly camps were added.

Legal emigration was prohibited on October The last transport of legal emigrants left Berlin on October 18 for Lisbon. In the preceding months May—October , 1, emigrants had been permitted to leave. Between October 23 and the end of the year only 62 persons managed to leave, and in only nine Jews were permitted to go abroad.

There were five major phases in the process of deportation, the destination of Berlin's Jews reflecting the changes in German policy from forced emigration to resettlement in the East and then to murder by gassing: Altogether there were 63 Osttransporte carrying some 35, victims to death camps in the east, and Alterstransporte , transporting some 15, mainly older persons to Theresienstadt.

For lists of transport numbers, dates, numbers of deportees and destinations, see bibliography, Sellenthin, 84— All through the deportations were kept up, although community employees and persons employed on forced labor were still excluded. Eventually, the deportations came to include groups of community employees, and from the fall of , only those Jewish laborers who were employed in vital war production were still safe from deportation.

At the beginning of , the Gestapo persuaded the military administration to relinquish these workers, which resulted on February 27—28 in the socalled " Fabrikaktion " — marked by exceptional cruelty — in which all the workers were taken straight from the factories and deported from Berlin.

Those Jews arrested in this "action" who had gentile wives were taken to a special camp for onward deportation, but when their wives carried out violent street demonstrations, the Gestapo yielded and set their husbands free. Even at that late date, the Nazis were seemingly responsive to public opinion. The group was caught and hardly any of them survived. The Germans imposed collective — and disproportionate — reprisal. Two hundred and fifty Jews — 50 for each German who had been killed in the attack — were shot, and another were sent to Sachsenhausen and perished there.

The community offices were closed down on June 10, , and six days later the "full" Jews among the members of its executive council were deported to Theresienstadt. The remaining Jews were looked after by the Neue Reichsvereinigung, which took up its seat in the Berlin Jewish Hospital, which together with the Jewish cemetery were the two Jewish institutions that continued to function throughtout the war.

While the deportations went on, many Jews tried to stay on illegally, a very difficult undertaking, owing to the need for frequent change of hideouts and the lack of ration cards; many were caught and deported. The "illegals" were given temporary help on an organized basis, by groups of people who were of mixed parentage Mischlinge and as such were not liable for deportation themselves; there were also some Germans who at the risk of their lives put their apartments at the disposal of the Jews who were hiding out.

One group of Jewish youngsters and their instructor managed to hide in Grunewald for an extended period, spending their time in the study of Zionist subjects. No exact figure is available for the number of "illegal" Jews who survived in Berlin, and estimates vary from 2, to 5, Berlin became officially " judenrein " "clean of Jews" on June 16, On June 30, , there were in fact 6,, and on March 31, , 5, Jews, comprising 4, Jews who had non-Jewish spouses, " Geltungsjuden " persons of mixed parentage, professing Jewish religion , 46 Jews from non-enemy countries, and "full" Jews, most of whom were employed in the Jewish Hospital.

The Jewish cemetery had remained in use — several Torah Scrolls were hidden there during the years of the Nazi persecution in a concerted organized activity which encompassed over scrolls to be restituted after the war. Jewish Population of Berlin shows the decrease in the Jewish population of Berlin between and The statistics before refer to persons designated as members of the Jewish faith, whereas the later figures for the most part also include Jews "by race" as defined by the Nuremberg Laws:.

On July 15, , the Jewish community was officially reconstituted. Also active in the leadership of the community were Alfred Schoyer, a member of the Berlin Jewish Community Council before his deportation; Heinz Galinski, who had returned from Bergen-Belsen; and Julius Meyer, a survivor of Auschwitz. The Jews were dispersed throughout Berlin, a third of them living in the Soviet sector.

Several synagogues were opened, the Jewish Hospital resumed its work although most of its patients and staff were not Jews , and three homes for the aged and a children's home were established. There was no local rabbi or religious teachers, but American Jewish army chaplains volunteered their services. The general assumption at this time was that the Jews would not be able to reestablish themselves in Berlin or anywhere else in Germany and that the community's principal task was to help them to emigrate from the country.

The community was thus defined as a "liquidation community" Liquidationsgemeinde. It was a very arduous route, especially during the harsh winter months, and temporary shelter had to be provided in Berlin.

A small camp was established in the Wittenau district of the French sector of the city in the autumn of with a capacity of ; at the beginning of a large camp was established at Schlachtensee in the American sector, which could hold 4, refugees, and a third camp was established in the summer of in the Tempelhof district of the American sector.

As a result the refugee population of Berlin became fairly stabilized. By the end of , there were 6, dps in the three Berlin camps. When the Soviet blockade of Berlin was lifted, the Occupation authorities decided to evacuate the dps, and between July 23 and Aug. By this time the Jewish community had reached a measure of consolidation, in spite of the difficult economic and political conditions in the city. Although a few hundred members had emigrated overseas and mortality exceeded the birth rate, the total number of Jews had increased as a result of the influx of Jews returning from abroad.

The welfare services extended by the community were greatly improved; the return of confiscated property, a process which was initiated at this time, also helped raise the standing of the community. In , upon the initiative of Fabian, the community established its own weekly, Der Weg , later to be merged with the Jewish weekly appearing in Duesseldorf. Jewish organizations in the United States arranged for American rabbis to undertake several years' service in Berlin. In Galinski was elected as chairman of the community council. The growing tension between the Western and Soviet Occupation authorities also had its effect upon Berlin Jewry.

In Nelhans was arrested by the Soviets on the charge of aiding Soviet military personnel to desert; he was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment and was not heard of subsequently. Although the city administration was split in two, the Jewish community remained unified until the end of , when its own split became inevitable. In the following years, the situation of the Jews and the community in West Berlin was greatly improved as a result of the rising economic prosperity in West Germany which also affected West Berlin and the return of confiscated property and the indemnification of victims of Nazi persecution.

The Berlin City Senate showed great concern for the rehabilitation of the community and its individual members; Joachim Lipschitz, the senator for internal affairs who was the son of a Jewish father and a Christian mother , in particular did his utmost to help the development of the community. Four synagogues were operating in Berlin. In , the City of Berlin erected a large Jewish community center on Fasanenstrasse at the site on which one of Berlin's most magnificent synagogues had stood until A Jewish women's organization, a B'nai B'rith lodge, a Jewish students' organization, and a youth organization as well as several organizations dedicated to the fostering of interfaith relations were established.

In the community had a membership of about 5, and by January this figure had risen to 5, The demographic composition of the community was marked by relatively high average age 4, were above the age of 41 , a low birthrate, and a great number of mixed marriages. In the number of Jews in the Soviet sector was 2,, while in it was estimated at according to figures given by the community's president, Max Schenk.

Although there was officially no restriction on religious practice and the authorities supported the community the great synagogue on Rykestrasse was reconstructed , the prevailing anti-religious atmosphere of a communist state had a detrimental effect upon the community.

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By the number of community members had fallen to After the German reunification of , the Jewish communities of former West and East Berlin merged in The community maintains six synagogues, an elementary school , and other educational institutions. Since the magnificent building of the former synagogue on Oranienburger Strasse has housed the Centrum Judaicum, which serves as a museum and a center of documentation and research.

Jewish cultural institutions and initiatives are manifold and an integral part of Berlin's cultural life. A Jewish museum was opened in and has since been among the museums drawing the largest numbers of visitors in Germany. The number of community members has risen from 6, in to 11, in , with many coming from the former Soviet Union.

The first Hebrew printer in Berlin was the court preacher and professor D. Jablonsky, as Jews could not obtain the necessary license; nevertheless, the manager J. Neumark, and most of the setters and proofreaders were Jews. The first book published by them was the Book of Psalms , followed by the complete Bible , and other scholarly and liturgical works.

An application by Rabbi Mirels for permission to print the Talmud in Berlin was refused by Frederick i, king of Prussia; the permission to publish Maimonides' Code was not taken up, as this was just being printed in Amsterdam by J. But a Talmud edition was issued by Gottschalk and Jablonski, in partnership with a Frankfurt on the Oder printer, — Nathan, son of the aforementioned J.

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Neumark, was active —27, while his son-in-law Aaron b. Moses Rofe of Lissa built up an important press, —62, publishing a series of well-known rabbinic works, above all the second Berlin Talmud edition — Aaron's press was continued for a while by his grandson Moses b. Of some importance was the press of Isaac b. Jacob Speyer —70 , a son-in-law of the Berlin rabbi David Fraenkel, who printed notable rabbinic works — Steinschneider calls it "the highlight of Hebrew printing in Berlin"; and that of Mordecai Landsberg, also from In David Friedlaender and his friends founded the Verlag der juedischen Freischule, managed by A.

Pupils of the society were taught the craft of printing and a number of books were published from with the imprint "Orientalische Druckerei. Mendelssohn's edition of the Pentateuch appeared here in In the Landsberg press was bought by Isaac Levent. In that year the printer Trevitsch and son moved to Berlin from Frankfurt on the Oder. In , the year of his death, David Friedlaender founded his own press and published a number of important books; the scholar D.

In the apostate Julius Sittenfeld set up a printing house which published the complete Talmud —68 , Maimonides' Code , and other works. In the late 19 th and early 20 th century H. Arim ve-Immahot be-Yisrael , 1 , 80—; H. Landshuth, Toledot Anshei Shem ; P. Geiger, Geschichte der Juden in Berlin ; D. Stern, Beitraege zur Geschichte der juedischen Gemeinde zu Berlin , 6 vols. Freund, Die Emanzipation der Juden in Preussen , 2 vols.

Stern, Der preussische Staat und die Juden , 2 vols. Essays on Jewish Life and Thought , —97; Barzilay, in: Yad Vashem Studies , 3 , —81; 5 , —; H. Nachtrichtenblatt der juedischen Gemeinde von Gross-Berlin d. Gruner, Judenverfolgung in Berlin ; B. Rabinowitz, Ma'amar al Hadpasat ha-Talmud , f. Berlin, with its unprepossessing location on the north German plain, rose to prominence first as a garrison town and then as the capital of a major military power, Prussia.

By the time Frederick I Frederick the Great , r. Frederick was a great devotee of the French Enlightenment, but his main contribution to intellectual life in his capital was the relaxation of censorship. After , the city emerged as a center of publishing and of interaction across class and gender lines in literary salons, the most notable of which were hosted by Jewish women, Henriette Herz — and Rahel Levin later Rahel Levin-Varnhagen; — The salons nurtured the writers who cultivated the new literary sensibility that came to be known as Romanticism.

Although revolutionary ideas from France were much discussed in the salons, the distant rumblings left Berlin largely untouched until the army of Napoleon I r. The anti-French feelings that had already emerged in Romantic theories of nationalism took their most pointed form in the lectures of the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte — and a cult of bodily fitness promoted by the schoolteacher Ludwig Jahn — After the French defeats of —, however, political repression and censorship quieted nationalists and other reformers.

The Prussian reforms that followed the defeat gave Berlin an elected city council—with a limited franchise and limited powers—as well as a university, intended by its founder Wilhelm von Humboldt — as the embodiment of humanistic education. It quickly emerged as a major center of theology and philosophy most notably with Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel [—] and later became one of Europe's leading centers of scientific research, even attracting Albert Einstein — to its faculty in Humboldt's efforts to stake a claim for art in the capital also helped promote the work of the royal architect Karl Friedrich Schinkel — , whose state theater and museum were the most prominent of the buildings that reshaped the vicinity of the royal palace in the early decades of the nineteenth century.

March resembled that of many other cities. Attempts to disperse the 10, demonstrators on 18 March turned bloody, prompting the king to pull his troops out of the city. He bowed to the demands of the demonstrators both substantively and symbolically, paying his respects to the dead and naming a new government. A newly elected Prussian national assembly convened in Berlin in May.

The freedom of the press established in March also permitted a national workers' congress to meet there in August. Continuing demonstrations and riots strengthened the hand of the king's conservative advisors, however, leading to the forcible adjournment of the national assembly in November, followed by arrests and a reimposition of censorship.

Berlin was a rare national capital that also became a major center of large-scale, cutting-edge industry. The city's eighteenth-century economy had been shaped by two royal policies: Berlin's population and industry continued to grow rapidly in the early nineteenth century, but the more fundamental transformation came at mid-century, as Germany's new joint-stock banks clustered in Berlin and helped to finance the large factories that accompanied the arrival of the railroads the locomotive manufacturer Borsig being Berlin's first industrial behemoth and telegraphy to which the Berlin firm Siemens made major contributions.

In , two decades after he had been a student there, Karl Marx — wrote, "If you saw Berlin ten years ago, you would not recognize it now. From a stiff place of parade it has been transformed into the bustling center of German machine-building. The large factories first clustered at the northern gates and later scattered to many suburbs, while the Luisenstadt district in the southeast attracted hundreds of small courtyard workshops, especially in the clothing industry. The army's contribution to this industrial revolution is difficult to measure, but just as the demand for uniforms helped make eighteenth-century Berlin a major center of textile manufacturing, it is notable that the Prussian army took an early interest in the military uses of the telegraph and railroad, refining their use to devastating effect in the wars of and These victorious wars made Berlin the capital of a unified Germany.

The federal nature of the new state meant that its presence in Berlin remained much smaller than that of the growing Prussian bureaucracy. Wilhelmstrasse, with its row of ministries in converted palaces, became synonymous with government and especially with the diplomacy of Otto von Bismarck — , who presided over both the chancellery and foreign ministry and served as host of the Congress of Berlin in A few blocks away, the Reichstag building was completed in to house the imperial parliament created in The national government was just one catalyst for the creation of a far more dominant metropolis than decentralized Germany had ever had, as Berlin drew political, economic, and cultural elites from the provinces and also became a target for anti-urban passions.

After midcentury, Berlin grew outward rapidly. Although its eighteenth-century customs wall remained in place until , in and the city annexed large chunks of territory beyond it, growing from 1, to a still-compact 5, hectares. The city's population of , in was some seven times as large as a century before, but nearly a quarter of the residents were garrison soldiers and their dependents.

By another sevenfold increase brought the total over a million, with a second million added by By then, growth had long since spilled over into the suburbs: When Berlin annexed its suburbs in , it doubled its population to about four million. The heart of the Prussian capital had been the royal palace and the stately boulevard Unter den Linden, with commerce centered on adjacent Friedrichstrasse.

Six major rail terminals ringed the city by , when a new east-west rail line, built by the state railway, opened the city center to rail commuters. The first privately built subway line was completed in , but most workers still commuted on foot or by streetcar. Berlin had been a Protestant city since the Reformation, and most migrants were Protestant as well, although ever fewer attended church.

Late in the century, many Roman Catholics came from eastern and western Prussian provinces, including many Poles. By the early s, 11 percent of Berliners were Catholic. Jews never exceeded 5 percent of the population, but they attracted attention—much of it unwanted—as Jews and Gentiles alike came to acknowledge a prominent Jewish role in the city's economy and culture.

Some assimilated German Jews advanced to modest prosperity, a few to great wealth. Most had little to do with the poor, Yiddish-speaking new arrivals from the east who clustered in Berlin's most notorious slum, the so-called shed quarter near Alexanderplatz, which was mostly leveled after in Berlin's only major slum clearance project before World War II.


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Berlin faced the typical public health problems of a burgeoning city, and responded fairly well to them, although it was widely regarded as a laggard by the impressive standards of German municipal government. The Prussian state's infringement on what were elsewhere regarded as municipal prerogatives sometimes imposed vital reforms, but it also.

Past the middle of the century, Berliners were entirely at the mercy of wells, cesspools, open gutters, and the meager flow of the filthy Spree River. The Prussian government licensed the city's first waterworks in , and a sewer system was built in the s. In , the English sanitary reformer Sir Edwin Chadwick — urged approval of the latter by telling Berliners that visitors arriving elsewhere from their city could be recognized by the foul odor of their clothes.

In the following decades, cholera vanished and typhoid became much less common, but tuberculosis persisted as a killer. Well into the twentieth century, critics blamed the city's miserable housing conditions on the city extension plan drawn up by the engineer James Hobrecht — , although it is difficult to imagine how a better plan could have overcome the problems of poverty and overcrowding in most neighborhoods.

Hobrecht's plan was little more than a sketch of broad streets and deep blocks covering the vast area that would be developed in the following decades. Apart from a few old sections, Berlin became a city of wide streets, as Hobrecht intended, but also of warrens of courtyard dwellings, something he did not foresee. Most streets were lined with enormous five-story apartment buildings with ornate facades concealing tiny flats, luxurious apartments, or, typically, both, with the larger flats facing the street. In most other directions, working-class tenements were interspersed with factories.

Berlin's speculative real estate market produced these solidly constructed and spacious buildings at an astonishing rate, but they acquired a dreadful reputation. Most rooms faced gloomy courtyards and most flats were badly overcrowded; a typical building had a hundred or more residents. They were short on toilets and baths, and the upper classes feared them as breeders not only of disease but also of loose morals and subversive ideas.

Certainly they did not fulfill a middle-class ideal of privacy, as working-class families typically could afford their own flats only by taking in single male lodgers. Reformers decried the tenements but effected little change. The tenements bred a vigorous working-class subculture in which courtyard peddlers and corner pubs played a role, as did the Social Democratic Party and the labor unions it sponsored. Berlin's factories proved fruitful ground for socialist and union organizing, and the city became known as a Red stronghold. Although the unequal Prussian franchise kept the municipal government in the hands of middle-class liberals, by the Social Democratic Party received 75 percent of Berlin's vote in the Reichstag election.

Berlin's teeming streets and other public spaces became places of convivial sociability but also of frequent tension between the police and the restive majority. The early s saw increasingly large and frequent street protests, some occasioned by strikes, others by Social Democratic marches and rallies for democratic reforms. Compromises and tensions marked the relationship between the crowds and the police, which had to adjust to recently established legal rights of assembly and to ever larger but usually orderly demonstrations. A rare outbreak of large-scale disorder, sparked by a strike, lasted for several days in in the district of Moabit, which, like neighboring Wedding, was an area of large factories and tenements with a more exclusively proletarian population than most other parts of the city.

Along with strikes and demonstrations, crowds also assembled to cheer the emperor on festive occasions, and to show their support for him and the nation in the summer of Berlin's loyalty to Prussian traditions, especially military ones, was often exaggerated, but foreign visitors were inclined to see Berliners as servile, a reputation cemented by a notorious incident in when a drifter acquired a used army captain's uniform and proceeded to commandeer a passing squad of soldiers, seize a suburban town hall, arrest the mayor, and abscond with the treasury, all without resistance.

Countervailing images emphasized bourgeois strivers often stereotyped as Jewish and cheeky proletarians. Ordinary Berliners were renowned for their irreverent sense of humor, a spirit captured in the drawings and engravings of the popular artist Heinrich Zille — Visitors like Mark Twain — in remarked on the newness of "the German Chicago" and the dynamism as well as the rawness of its society.

Although the wealthier classes were largely united in their antipathy to Social Democracy, the cultured bourgeoisie sometimes chafed under the yoke of the court, nobility, and army. One bourgeois institution that quickly rose to international prominence was the Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra, founded in There was more discord at the royal opera, where Emperor William II r.

That was only one example of a growing conflict between the official culture and the growing oppositional one. Prussian wealth, power, and cultural ambition enabled Berlin to amass great museum collections of European art and classical antiquities, including the Hellenistic altar from Pergamon and the treasures Heinrich Schliemann — unearthed at Troy, but the museum director Hugo von Tschudi — was forced out in because William II abhorred his acquisitions of modern art.

In the s Berlin became the center of German literary naturalism, with a circle of writers attentive to the miseries of the urban working class. This new literature attracted most attention on the stage as Berlin became the center of the central European theatrical world, with new theaters playing the shocking works of foreign playwrights such as Henrik Johann Ibsen — as well as those of local writers, notably Gerhart Hauptmann — Some theaters also broke new ground in their attempts to reach a working-class audience.

Much of the formal innovation and daring subject matter that made Berlin theater and cabaret world-famous in the s was developed before Ernst Ludwig Kirchner — in particular became famous for his lurid paintings of Berlin street life. During the same years, the brief flowering of literary expressionism was also largely a Berlin phenomenon, and attention to the urban crowd by the Berliners Georg Simmel — and Max Weber — helped create the discipline of sociology. See also Cities and Towns ; Demography ; Germany. An Architecture for Prussia.

New York , Freud, Jews, and Other Germans: Masters and Victims in Modernist Culture. New Haven , Conn. Death in the Tiergarten: Murder and Criminal Justice in the Kaiser's Berlin. Modernism and Its Enemies in Imperial Germany. Berlin and Its Culture: Ann Arbor , Mich. Encyclopedia of the Age of Industry and Empire. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the city of Berlin and its surrounding municipalities were the largest urban agglomeration in the German-speaking world.

Berlin was geographically defined by the plains on both sides of the Spree River around the city center, the upper Spree region with its lakes to the southeast, and the confluence of the Spree into the Havel River to the west. Already in the preceding centuries, waterways had been a central factor of Berlin's development as the commercial and economic core of central Germany, now complemented by its nodal function in the German railway system. Berlin's population in was the product of several decades of rapid population growth.

Taking into account the creation of Greater Berlin in , about 2. The population continued to grow, but at a more moderate pace during the first half of the century, reaching about 4. It slowly but continuously receded after to stagnate around 3. In , as in , the "typical" Berliner was not born in Berlin. Immigrants continuously arrived from all German regions, but in the first half of the century particularly from the surrounding countryside, the Eastern Prussian provinces, and Poland. In the heyday of Nazi Germany's terror against subjugated populations in Europe, about seven hundred thousand forced laborers Zwangsarbeiter swelled the city population.

In the postcommunist era, reunified Berlin is marked again by East European Poland, and the countries of the former Soviet Union and global migration trends. By contrast, fertility rates throughout the century show the classical features of urban decline, from 26 to over 17 to 15 to fewer than 10 births per 10, inhabitants, in all cases a level insufficient for population growth. Regarding age structure, however, a major shift has occurred. Still a city of the young in the first half of the twentieth century, Berlin was not spared the second demographic transition of very low fertility and rising life expectancy during the second half of century.

It has tended to be a city of the old in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Berlin has always been and still is the largest industrial city in Germany, despite the overall decline of the industrial sector in the last decades of the twentieth century.

As the German capital, the city's labor force engaged in multifold activities in commerce, business, the civil service , education, and culture. The traditional strength of Berlin's industry lies in the manufacturing sector and is based on advanced technology and the transfer of knowledge from the natural and engineering sciences. Huge conglomerates with international reputations such as Rheinmetall-Borsig mechanical engineering , Siemens and AEG electrical industry , and Schering pharmaceuticals dominate the picture, complemented by a large segment of small and medium-sized and highly specialized businesses.

Already during the late years of the German Empire, however, Berlin had also become an early center of services mainly because of its central functions as a capital, but also because of the increasing relevance of knowledge transfer from universities, of modern marketing coupled with burgeoning consumerism, of the commodification of culture and leisure time on a mass scale, and of the expansion of the interventionist state, a tendency continued under the Nazi dictatorship with its own set of new central administrations.

The expansion of the public sector was taken to its extremes in both halves of the divided city during the Cold War: East Berlin became the site of the bloated bureaucracy of central economic planning and political surveillance of state socialism, while West Berlin's public service remained heavily overstaffed thanks to the politically motivated subsidies from West Germany that safeguarded attractive living standards. Only since German reunification have efforts been made to reduce these disproportions.

Private services have now established themselves as the dominating sector of the city's economic activities, while the late adaptation to the logics of a globalized economy has led to a dramatic reduction of industrial workplaces. Before the creation of Greater Berlin in , the city of Berlin with its 1. The latter was elected by a parliament based on census suffrage. City politics were therefore marked by a double discrimination: The overwhelming majority of the exclusively male electorate, consisting of the low income earners from the working class primarily voting for Social Democratic candidates, was grossly underrepresented in the city parliament as well as among the Berlin members of the Prussian House of Commons.

City politics were thus dominated by middle-class liberals, but lacked the means of effective municipal autonomy thanks to the semi-absolutist constitution and the governance of the Prussian state. Left liberals and the Social Democrats were allies in fighting the unequal voting system and established a pragmatic cooperation on the local level in such areas as welfare, urban planning, and public education, prefiguring the coalitions vital for Greater Berlin's politics during the Weimar Republic.

The political profile of the city population found its expression in a much more accurate way in the Reichstag, the empire's house of commons based on equal male suffrage. Starting in the s, Berlin was overwhelmingly represented by the Social Democratic Party, whose candidates always carried between 50 and 80 percent of the votes. In consequence, Berlin's politics were marked by a unique overlapping of three heterogeneous forces: The unresolved tensions among these camps were muted in the name of a domestic "truce" proclaimed at Germany's entry in World War I , only to break open again with the dramatic deterioration of living conditions and the extremely unequal distribution of the war's burden within society.

When the Social Democrats split over the war support issue in , the traditional strength of the left wing among Berlin's Social Democrats made for a particularly strong section of the new Independent Social Democratic Party, which during the s became a recruiting ground for the German Communist Party. The alliance between parts of the military and the right-wing Social Democrats "to restore order" was met with fierce resistance among Berlin's radicals.

During the overthrow of their revolt in January , their famous leaders, Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg , were murdered by right-wing paramilitaries on 15 January. The establishment of the Weimar Republic also entailed the thorough reform of Prussia into a democratic legal state. One of the most important projects of the Prussian National Assembly elected in February was the reorganization of the municipality of Berlin according to exigencies of modern urban planning and administration. A law passed with the majority of both Social Democratic parties, the left liberals, and the Catholic Center Party merged the old city of Berlin with seven independent cities, 59 rural counties, and 27 estates to form a new single municipality with a surface area of 88, hectares , acres.

Because of the inclusion of large rural areas, forests, and lakesides the new metropolis offered plenty of areas for recreational purposes and modern housing developments. In these regards, as in the realm of public transportation, public education, and social welfare, Greater Berlin saw a process of rapid modernization. Throughout the s city politics were dominated by Social Democratic—Liberal—Catholic alliances, which, however, came under increasing pressure from both left-wing and right-wing extremist opponents. Berlin's traditional working-class districts quickly developed into strongholds of the young German Communist Party and its vast network of social and cultural mass organizations.

From onward, the emergent Nazi Party waged a fierce "battle for Berlin" spearheaded by the gifted orator and organizer Joseph Goebbels. The Nazis' strategy consisted primarily of waging guerrilla wars in the "enemy's" strongholds through a decidedly provocative and violent style of street politics, to which the communist camp hit back accordingly. Caught in-between, the moderate Social Democrats had to fulfill the role of upholding law and order, eventually making them the prime target of communist "revolutionary" propaganda against "social fascism.

Although the Berlin electorate remained relatively immune to the Nazi challenge, the city's Nazi votes remaining more than 10 percent below the Reich average of 44 percent in the irregular elections of March , the continuous antagonisms between the Nazi opponents had contributed to a fatal erosion of the social and cultural resources necessary for any effective resistance before and after the Nazis' seizure of power in January For the city of Greater Berlin, the Nazi policy of Gleichschaltung synchronization resulted in the loss of its municipal self-administration and the placement into power of a Prussian State commissioner under the direct control of the Prussian minister of the interior, Hermann Goering, who purged the city administration of civil servants with democratic party affiliations or those of Jewish descent.

Berlin's schools were affected by this measure. Starting in , principal matters of urban planning and representative architecture in the capital of the Third Reich were placed under the responsibility of Adolf Hitler 's personal confidant, the architect Albert Speer. At the same time, the successive waves of political repression and ostracism against minorities hit segments of all the classes of the Berlin population: Among the first to be interned in the makeshift concentration camp set up in in nearby Oranienburg were activists of both working-class parties, liberal politicians, publicists, and Christian priests of both confessions.

Anti-Semitic purges also hit large parts of Berlin's universities, the liberal and artistic professions, and the upper class , triggering off a brain drain to Great Britain and the United States from which the capital's intellectual and cultural life never fully recovered.