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They grew another 4. Inspection has determined that the cracks have increased horizontally since Analysis also indicates that the cracks are not surficial but extend partially through the block and will eventually extend all the way through. The report documented deterioration of the marble's surface.

As much as 2. The study projected that before , the Tomb Monument will have been weathered enough to have a negative effect on the experience of the visitors and concludes the only solutions are to enclose or replace the monument. Several options have been considered to deal with the damage. Officials at Arlington National Cemetery determined that proper repair can return the Tomb Monument to an acceptable appearance. However, because the cracks will continue to lengthen and widen, continuous grouting, regrouting, touch-up, monitoring, and maintenance would be required. Therefore, a report commissioned by Arlington National Cemetery and published in June confirmed the Cemetery's conclusion that "replacement of the three pieces of the Tomb Monument is the preferred alternative".

A final decision was scheduled to be made on September 30, The Trust expressed concern that Arlington National Cemetery seeks to replace the existing monument with marble from the original quarry, which experts agree is likely eventually to crack.

The Trust has observed that the Cemetery's own report recommended that the monument be repaired and that the Cemetery, in fact, commissioned Oehrlein Architects to repair the stone. In , Mary Oehrlein informed Congressional staff members that: Once repaired, the fault lines would be virtually invisible from the public viewing areas.

On September 26, , U. The secretaries would be required to advise Congress on the current efforts to maintain and preserve the monument. Additionally, they would have to provide an assessment on the feasibility and advisability of repairing rather than replacing the Tomb Monument. Finally, if the secretaries choose replacement, they would have to report those plans and detail how they intend to dispose of the current monument. Once the report is provided, the secretaries are prevented from taking action to replace the monument for at least days.

The Akaka-Webb amendment was included in the bill by unanimous consent of the Senate. The bill also authorized repair, but not replacement, of the monument. In John Haines, a retired car dealer, offered to donate a large slab of marble to the Arlington National Cemetery to replace the existing marble. Army Corps of Engineers announced that the monument was to be repaired, not replaced.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the monument in the United States. For similar monuments, see Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. November Learn how and when to remove this template message.

Sub-base cubic footage and tons was calculated from the source dimensions because cubic feet and tons were not included in the source data table.

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PHZ - Unknown Data Set | Potatoheadz Records

Per cubic foot, the marble weighs pounds. His remains 6 partial bones had originally been recovered several months after his aircraft had been shot down and were not sufficient to allow for positive identification at the time. The Regimental Commander of the 3rd U. Infantry Regiment has the authority to revoke a badge from any Guard past or present for any act that would bring discredit upon the Tomb of the Unknowns. Department of the Army. Archived from the original PDF on 22 July Retrieved June 9, The Tomb of the Unknowns".

Retrieved February 24, Retrieved November 22, Retrieved November 15, Civil and Military Funeral, Retrieved May 28, Archived from the original on November 16, Retrieved July 21, Archived from the original on December 27, Retrieved November 23, Archived from the original on December 29, Boy Scouts of America National Council.

Retrieved August 21, Archived from the original on October 20, Retrieved June 5, Archived from the original on January 22, Retrieved January 21, Archived from the original on September 28, Retrieved September 23, Retrieved October 29, August — September Most of us would say, if asked, that we live in a capitalist society, but vast amounts of how we live our everyday lives — our interactions with and commitments to family lives, friendships, avocations, membership in social, spiritual and political organisations — are in essence noncapitalist or even anticapitalist, made up of things we do for free, out of love and on principle.

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Or, to extend the analogy, sometimes disciplining that child to clean up after itself, through legislation or protest, or preventing some of the messes in the first place. And it might be worth adding that noncapitalist ways of doing things are much older than free-market economic arrangements. Activists often speak as though the solutions we need have not yet been launched or invented, as though we are starting from scratch, when often the real goal is to amplify the power and reach of existing options.

What we dream of is already present in the world. The second reinforcement came out of my investigation of how human beings respond to major urban disasters, from the devastating earthquakes in San Francisco in and Mexico City in to the blitz in London and Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. The assumption behind much disaster response by the authorities — and the logic of bombing civilians — is that civilisation is a brittle facade, and behind it lies our true nature as monstrous, selfish, chaotic and violent, or as timid, fragile, and helpless. In fact, in most disasters the majority of people are calm, resourceful, altruistic and creative.

And civilian bombing campaigns generally fail to break the will of the people. What startled me about the response to disaster was not the virtue, since virtue is often the result of diligence and dutifulness, but the passionate joy that shone out from accounts by people who had barely survived. These people who had lost everything, who were living in rubble or ruins, had found agency, meaning, community, immediacy in their work together with other survivors.

This century of testimony suggested how much we want lives of meaningful engagement, of membership in civil society, and how much societal effort goes into keeping us away from these fullest, most powerful selves. But people return to those selves, those ways of self-organising, as if by instinct when the situation demands it.

Thus a disaster is a lot like a revolution when it comes to disruption and improvisation, to new roles and an unnerving or exhilarating sense that now anything is possible.

The Ghost Inside - The Great Unknown

It is an extraordinary statement, one that reminds us that though hope is about the future, grounds for hope lie in the records and recollections of the past. We can tell of a past that was nothing but defeats, cruelties and injustices, or of a past that was some lovely golden age now irretrievably lost, or we can tell a more complicated and accurate story, one that has room for the best and worst, for atrocities and liberations, for grief and jubilation. A memory commensurate to the complexity of the past and the whole cast of participants, a memory that includes our power, produces that forward-directed energy called hope.

Amnesia leads to despair in many ways. The status quo would like you to believe it is immutable, inevitable and invulnerable, and lack of memory of a dynamically changing world reinforces this view. One of the essential aspects of depression is the sense that you will always be mired in this misery, that nothing can or will change. Which is where hope comes in, and memory, the collective memory we call history. The other affliction amnesia brings is a lack of examples of positive change, of popular power, evidence that we can do it and have done it.

Who controls the present controls the past. Despair is also often premature: News cycles tend to suggest that change happens in small, sudden bursts or not at all. The struggle to get women the vote took nearly three-quarters of a century. For a time people liked to announce that feminism had failed, as though the project of overturning millennia of social arrangements should achieve its final victories in a few decades, or as though it had stopped.

Tomb of the Unknown Soldier (Arlington)

Feminism is just starting, and its manifestations matter in rural Himalayan villages, not just major cities. Other changes result in victories and are then forgotten. For decades, radicals were preoccupied with Timor-Leste, brutally occupied by Indonesia from to ; the liberated country is no longer news.

It won its liberty because of valiant struggle from within, but also because of dedicated groups on the outside who pressured and shamed the governments supporting the Indonesian regime.

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None of the changes were inevitable, either — people fought for them and won them. Social, cultural or political change does not work in predictable ways or on predictable schedules. The month before the Berlin Wall fell, almost no one anticipated that the Soviet bloc was going to disintegrate all of a sudden thanks to many factors, including the tremendous power of civil society, nonviolent direct action and hopeful organising going back to the s , any more than anyone, even the participants, foresaw the impact that the Arab spring or Occupy Wall Street or a host of other great uprisings would have.

Those who doubt that these moments matter should note how terrified the authorities and elites are when they erupt. That fear signifies their recognition that popular power is real enough to overturn regimes and rewrite the social contract. And it often has. Those who dismiss these moments because of their imperfections, limitations, or incompleteness need to look harder at what joy and hope shine out of them and what real changes have emerged because of them, even if not always in the most obvious or recognisable ways.


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